The topic of Circassian participation in the suppression of the anti-Turkish April Uprising of 1876 in Bulgaria remains, unfortunately, little studied. However, before moving on to the coverage of this issue, it should be said what the uprising of 1876 was like in the history of the Bulgarians.

The April Uprising is a pivotal event in the history of the Bulgarian people, the history of which is divided into “before” and “after” the uprising. This uprising was of a national liberation nature, and ultimately led to the gradual fall of 500 years of Ottoman rule over the Bulgarians. Bulgarian writers dedicated their works to this event both immediately after it and for many years after its completion.

The leaders of the April Uprising are the national heroes of Bulgaria (Vasil Levski, Georgi Benkovski, Hristo Botev, etc.). In Bulgarian history they are known as the “apostles of freedom”. Many books are dedicated to them, hundreds of streets and even mountain peaks are named in their honor (Mount Botev is the highest peak in the Balkans). Everything connected with the April Uprising is sacred for every Bulgarian.

Not only its ordinary participants, but also the “apostles of freedom” themselves wrote about the uprising. These books are available in almost every Bulgarian family. The literary heritage of Hristo Botev is especially numerous. He wrote not only about the general situation of the Bulgarians during the uprising, but also poetic works and prose, and also touched on particulars, for example, the participation of the Circassians in the suppression of the national liberation movement of the Bulgarian people in the 19th century.

“One of the greatest misfortunes that has struck our people, which is killing them both economically and politically, is the Circassians, who in the last few years have flooded... our fatherland... The predatory Turkish government accepted the predatory sons of the Caucasus, and gave them the freedom they did not have even at the time of their independence in Asia,” writes H. Botev in the article “Circassians in Turkey” (1).

According to Bulgarian sources, the number of Circassians who moved to Bulgaria after the Crimean War of 1863-1856 reached two hundred thousand. The Turks used the Circassians as auxiliary units to suppress the Bulgarians, in return giving them almost complete freedom of action against the local population.

H. Botev portrays the Circassians as exceptionally cruel and arrogant warriors (“...could there be something more humiliating, barbaric and inhumane than the mockery of human labor and life that the Bulgarian suffers from... the resettlement of these greedy thieves and bloodsuckers?”), putting into their mouth the following words addressed to the Bulgarian: “... theft, robbery and murder will increase your torment... and you will never cease to be a slave...”

The epithets that H. Botev gives to the Circassians are extremely emotionally charged, because he was either a direct participant in the relevant skirmishes, or received information about them first-hand (“Caucasian beasts”, “killers” with the “Asian contemptuous grin of a tyrant”). He also reproaches European human rights activists of that era: “And these are all reforms in the eyes of Europe!”, implying the favorable attitude of Europeans towards the Turks, despite the atrocities committed by them in Bulgaria. As is known, in the 19th century, during the Tanzimat era, the Ottoman Empire began to carry out social reforms, including in Bulgaria, making, to some extent, easier for the life of the conquered peoples. The Europeans, for geopolitical reasons, supporting Constantinople in its confrontation with Russia, presented the Ottoman Empire as a civilized state that had allegedly taken the path of reform, and therefore the sorrows of the Bulgarians remained unheard.

In his article, Kh. Botev cites excerpts from the “report from Oryahovo”:

“Circassians! Oh, my God, how bitter! Even during the day, a person does not dare to move far... These villains dishonor brides and women, kill the innocence of young girls...” Further, Kh. Botev gives a list of settlements that were subjected to Circassian raids - Tarnovsko, Buruvin, Madan, Sokolar.

In Bukevitsa, a young Circassian woman was slashed with knives for resisting an attempt to rape her. In Lipnitsa, near Oryahovo, during an attempt to kidnap a girl, she wounded one of the Circassians with a hoe. The enraged raiders dishonored the Bulgarian woman and cut off her braids as a sign of contempt, attacking the girls nearby with knives and guns.

In Kremen, Circassians killed 5 people and robbed 3 houses. In Mryamorena, a young girl was raped and shaved bald. 3 traders were killed in Rashkovo. 1 person was killed in Peshten. In total, in 2 months in the vicinity of Oryahovo, the Circassians killed 30 people. (1).

In the article “The Battle between the Circassians and the Bulgarians,” H. Botev writes that with the appearance of the Circassians in Bulgaria, “there is no end to the robberies and murders” (2). In the village Koynare Circassians attacked the Pomaks and Bulgarians. In response, the Bulgarians and Pomaks started a shootout with the Circassians. The battle lasted until the evening, and was so intense that the Turkish administration was forced to send gendarmes to restore order. The gendarmes arrested several Circassians to take them to Rushchuk for trial, but released the detainees along the way (2).

Kh. Botev did not live to see the liberation of Bulgaria from the Ottoman yoke. He was killed in an ambush, and there are three versions of his murder: Botev fell from a Turkish bullet; Botev fell at his own hands; Botev was killed by the Circassians. The latest version was voiced by the botanical scientist, Prof. Yono Mitev, author of the book “Who Killed Botev?”: “... the great Botev was killed in an ambush by the Circassian leaders Dzumbulet and Mustafeto. It is unknown who fired the fatal shot... They were armed with American (sic! - ed.) Winchester rifles, which could kill from a distance of 1200 m! Let us note, just in case, that later Mustafeto wore Botev’s jacket” (3).

J. Mitev claims that Dzumbulat and Mustafeto cut off the head of the already dead Botev, and “the next day they put it on the square in Vratsa” (3).
An active participant in the April Uprising, Zakhary Stoyanov left a rich literary heritage, incl. the famous “Notes on the Bulgarian Uprisings”, where some stories are devoted to Circassian themes. In the documentary story “Uprising in Perushtitsa,” Z. Stoyanov notes that one of the rebel leaders, Georgi Benkovski, had high hopes for the village of Perushtitsa, located near Plovdiv. The village was purely Bulgarian, its residents were distinguished by an active patriotic position, for which the Turkish authorities unleashed unprecedented repressions on the residents, including mass executions, in which Circassians also participated: “The picture was the most heartbreaking. There, a white-bearded old man fell at the feet of a predatory bashi-bazouk, begging for mercy... a young mother threw herself on a bloody knife so that her dear child would be left alive, but the inhuman turban, under which a human image could be seen, chopped both mothers and children..." (4)

Further, Z. Stoyanov describes how children grabbed the blades of scimitars, and the cut off fingers fell to the ground, how the mother raised her hands to the sky in desperate prayer, but both her hands were cut off. The Bashi-bazouks set the village on fire, and the surviving Bulgarians were in danger of death, if not from a bullet and scimitar, then from fire. Local residents took up arms, and the Turks and Circassians were forced to retreat to camp near the outskirts of Perushtitsa. Fearing to storm the village again, the commander of the Turkish detachment reported to Plovdiv that large forces of Russians and Serbs had settled in Perushtitsa, and requested reinforcements. Reinforcements arrived and a fierce battle broke out.

The Bulgarians sought salvation in the courtyard of the Church of St. Atanas, but the Circassian riflemen, climbing into the trees, shot them there too. In desperation, the Perushtinians sent an old woman to the Ottomans as a parliamentarian, but she was killed. Then three more parliamentarians were killed. Z. Stoyanov gives their names (Mitya Popov, Rangel Kharchiev, Stamen Karmov), indicating that they, already dead, were flogged with scimitars.

From the Church of St. Atanas, the villagers rushed to the church of St. Archangel, but she was also an unreliable shelter. In the smoke and fumes inside the surrounded church, women and children died from suffocation. The author compares this church to a tomb, and gives a description of a collective suicide, when the Bulgarians first shot their wives and children to save them from torment, and then committed suicide. The Turks, upon entering the church, immediately began to rummage through the pockets of the dead. One of the women lying on the floor raised her head, but a Circassian who jumped up took her head off with a saber.

The epithets with which Z. Stoyanov awards the Circassians and Turks are equal in emotional load to the words of Kh. Botev - “humanoid animals”, and gives the number of victims in Perushtitsa - 248 people.

In the article “Suppression of the Uprising” Z. Stoyanov describes the suppression of the Bulgarians’ speech in Panagyurishte (5). The Circassians and Bashi-Bazouks set fire to the village on four sides, and chopped down the residents who were escaping with sabers. Like H. Botev, Z. Stoyanov reproaches the “lovers of human rights” (England and France) for indifference to the Bulgarian sufferings, and writes that “the Panagyurs gave the April uprising 600-650 martyrs, but not men who died in battles, but those killed in unarmed women and children in their homes... The Panagyur people immortalized their city!”

G. Benkovsky sent a detachment of rebel Bulgarians to help the Panagyurs, but they arrived too late. As a direct participant in the events, Z. Stoyanov shares his impressions: “I saw with my own eyes how a three-year-old child was dying of hunger...near his wounded mother!” (5). The author should not be suspected of Russophilia, and therefore, of a preconceived attitude towards the Circassians, because Z. Stoyanov was a representative of the anti-Russian wing among the rebels.

Bulgarian authors also covered the history of the Circassians’ participation in the suppression of the April Uprising later. In the 1940s, the first Bulgarian sociologist and philosopher Ivan Hadzhisky’s book “The Moral Map of Bulgaria” was published. Having traveled almost the entire country, I. Hadzhiisky draws up a sociological map of Bulgaria, describes the morals and folk psychology of the Bulgarians. Referring to the stories of his respondents about the Circassians and the April Uprising, I. Khadzhiysky points out that “this bandit population, in alliance with the lower Turkish administration... is engaged in daily and wholesale robbery of the rural population and traveling... traders.” Driven to despair by this, the Bulgarians rise to fight against the Turks (6). I. Khadzhiisky, no more nor less, considers Circassian robberies, and the indifference to the fate of the Bulgarians of the local administration as one of the reasons for the April Uprising! Even the wealthy sections of the population (Chorbajis) joined the revolutionary movement, who sought to protect their property from the Circassians, and saw only one way - liberation from the Turkish government, which was unable to ensure the safety of its subjects. The author cites the question that he asked his respondents during opinion polls: “Would you have rebelled if there had been no Circassian robberies?” The answer was always the same: “Never” (7).

Not accustomed to agriculture, the Circassians who arrived in Bulgaria moved into the houses of the Bulgarians, and took up robbery instead of labor: “The era of Circassian robberies began. The figures of Circassian robbers, tanned in the sun, scurried across the defenseless Bulgarian fields. The children squealed from their mothers.” I. Khadzhiysky also refers to the words of Z. Stoyanov that “when the Circassians arrived, the peasants do not know what belongs to them and what belongs to the Circassians.”

Trade routes froze, and on the roadsides every now and then the corpses of reckless traders who decided to risk their lives and go to a market or fair were found. The Circassians took everything - clothes, livestock, food, money. The traditional Bulgarian white “Navusha” were especially valuable. As soon as the Bulgarian saw a Circassian in the distance, he immediately took it off and hid it “in our ear,” because otherwise I would get shot. In the evening, women were afraid to leave their homes. To protect the cattle from the Circassians, they were driven directly into the house, to the ground floor, and the entrance was blocked with logs. The peasants were forced to walk in groups in order to somehow protect themselves from the Circassian robbers, especially if they had to go through the forest: “You can imagine in what state of mind the peasants left the village, being subjected to daily robberies, with what feelings they went to bed and got up, with with what thoughts they went to work in the field... And only this horror, this hourly anxiety frayed the nerves of these meek and gentle people... who, out of horror of life, took on the struggle and mortal risk.”

I. Khadzhiysky lists the villages that rebelled precisely because of Circassian robberies - Byala Cherkva, Musina, Mikhaltsy. “Before the arrival of the Circassians, no one even thought about an uprising. But how they appeared... life became unbearable,” the author quotes the words of one of the respondents. Where there were no Circassians, there were no uprisings. In Samovoden and Khotnitsa, where Circassian robberies did not occur, despite the revolutionary committees created there, the uprising was never raised (7).

I. Khadzhiysky revealed a pattern: the more layers of the population suffered from Circassian raids in a particular village, the greater the number of revolutionaries this village produced. And, on the contrary, no shortage of land, no taxes and no poverty led to an uprising if the village did not know what Circassian raids were. Let me remind you that I. Khadzhiysky considered the Circassian factor as one of the main ones in the chain of others that led to the April Uprising.

Thus, the Circassian Muhajirs brought to Bulgaria their familiar social and living way of life, which did not fit into the traditional social landscape of this country. This fact refutes the assertion that the Circassians led a quiet lifestyle before the Muhajirism, and only the vicissitudes of the Caucasian War forced them to resort to raiding tactics. If this were so, the Circassian robberies of the Bulgarian population would not have been widespread, and would not have become established as a traditional form of life of the Circassian Muhajirs. The thesis that the main reason for the cruelty towards the Bulgarians was the latter’s Russophilia does not stand up to criticism, since from Bulgarian written sources it is known that not only Bulgarians, but also Vlachs, Pomaks (Islamized Bulgarians) and even Turks became victims of Circassian raids.

1) “Cherkezite in Turkey” (“Zname”, no. 1, 21, July 6, 1875). Obviously, by “Asia” we mean the North-West Caucasus - Approx. ed.
2) “The battle between the Circassians and the Bulgarians” (“Zname”, 1st century 25, August 27, 1875)
3) “Botev did not kill, he was killed by his own people, a firm historian-botevologist” (Bulletin “Analizi”, June 13, 1994)
4) Zachary Stoyanov “From “Notes on the Bulgarian rise” (Vol. 3, Chapter 8, Sofia, 1979)
5) Zachary Stoyanov “From “Notes on the Bulgarian Uprising” (Vol. 3, Chapter 5, Sofia, 1979)
6) Ivan Hadzhiysky “Historically, the roots of the democratic tradition” (“Moralnata karta na Bulgaria”, Sofia, 2008)
7) Ivan Hadzhiysky “Psychology on the April rise” (“Moralnata karta na Bulgaria”, Sofia, 2008)

Prerequisites for the uprising

In the second half of the 19th century, spontaneous riots broke out every now and then on the Bulgarian lands as part of the Ottoman Empire, usually led by representatives of the young Bulgarian intelligentsia. And the conspirators included peasants, artisans and, rarely, representatives of the petty bourgeoisie - a new class that was just beginning to emerge among the Bulgarian population.

Additionally, at that time, the Ottoman Empire was experiencing foreign policy difficulties and, in general, its role in the international arena was very weakened.

Given the favorable domestic and international situation, a group of young Bulgarian revolutionaries at the end of November 1875 created the so-called Gurgevo Revolutionary Committee in the Romanian city of Gurgevo. The committee decides to immediately prepare a general uprising in Bulgaria in the spring of 1876.

Each district has its own apostle

For greater efficiency, the revolutionary committee divides the Bulgarian territory into four revolutionary districts: I. - Tarnovsky, II. - Slivensky, III. - Vrachansky and IV. - Plovdiv with the center in Panagyurishte.

The so-called “Apostles of Freedom” with assistants were elected to lead the districts. Stefan Stambolov was elected apostle of freedom in the Tarnovo district, with the center of Gorna Oryahovitsa, and Ilia Dragostinov in the Sliven district. Stefan Zaimov became the apostle of freedom in the Vratsa district, and in the Plovdiv district P. Volov was first elected as an apostle, however, during the preparation of the uprising, he was replaced by Georgi Benkovsky, who was promoted thanks to his organizational abilities.

The main task of the apostles of freedom is to activate existing revolutionary committees in Bulgarian cities and villages, create new ones, and also lead preparations for the uprising and subsequent military operations. At first, the uprising was scheduled for the period between April 18 and April 23, 1876. Later, leaders of individual districts decided to declare an uprising on May 1.

Before the final performance, for the last check of readiness, each district was obliged to convene representatives of the revolutionary committees of its district for a general meeting.

Preparation

In January 1876, the apostles of freedom and their assistants began to move to Bulgaria. Under their leadership, local revolutionary cells are actively engaged in promoting the idea of ​​uprising among the population, stocking up on food and weapons, organizing communications, discussing plans and tactics for future action, and even creating a secret police to identify traitors.

The most active work is being carried out in the Tarnovo and Plovdiv districts, which explains the activity of the uprising in these areas. Only in these districts were final meetings held to test readiness for the uprising. At these meetings, the issue of distribution of powers was not without discussion, since some delegates believed that the apostles of freedom had too much power.

However, the majority of votes confirmed the authority of the apostles to raise an uprising, appoint governors, direct military operations, etc. At the meetings, the center of the future uprising was also determined - the city of Panagyurishte, where the military council was to hold its meetings.

Betrayal and false start

Of course, the actions of representatives of the revolutionary committees attracted the attention of the Turkish police. Moreover, there were traitors among the revolutionaries. One way or another, the Turkish authorities learned about the upcoming uprising and took preventive measures.

When the Turks tried to arrest the leaders of the local revolutionary committee in Koprivshtitsa, those led by Todor Kableshkov attacked and killed the Turkish police. After which there was only one way out - to declare an uprising.

On April 20, 1876, Todor Kableshkov sends the so-called “bloody letter” to figures in Panagyurishte and other revolutionary cells - a note written in the blood of a murdered Turkish policeman. This letter called on all Bulgarians to revolt.

Brutal defeat

The first couple of days after the uprising was declared, the revolutionaries freely captured villages and small towns. In them, the new Bulgarian government declares itself a “Provisional Government” or “Military Council”, which includes members of revolutionary committees. This mainly happens in the Tarnovo and Plovdiv regions.

In all villages captured by the rebels, solemn rituals, bell ringing, and church services are held. On April 22, a rebel banner with the motto “Freedom or Death!”, embroidered by local teacher Raina Georgieva Futekova, was solemnly consecrated in Panagyurishte. The liberated territories gradually spread to the northwest, west and southwest of Panagyurishte, covering a number of villages located south of Pazardzhik and northeast of Plovdiv.

The Turkish government is taking urgent measures to suppress the uprising. Complete mobilization of the Mohammedan population in Southern Bulgaria was announced, and additional military units were transferred from Asia Minor. Already on April 23, Bashi-Buzuk troops gave battle to the rebels near the village of Strelcha. Three days later, Tosun Bey's army captured Klisura and burned the city. Then on April 30, Panagyurishte was captured, where the entire population remaining in the city was destroyed.

The so-called “Batashko clan” was especially terrible, when in the village of Batak the Turks slaughtered the entire population, more than 3 thousand people, men, women and children. In total, more than 30 thousand Bulgarians were killed during the suppression of the uprising.

The last event of the April Uprising was the landing on May 17 near the village of Kozloduy on the Danube of a detachment formed in Romania, under the command of Hristo Botev. However, by the time Botev’s detachment landed, the uprising had already been suppressed throughout the country.

Having received no support from the population intimidated by the Turkish authorities, Botev’s detachment reached the city of Vratsa, and was destroyed in the mountains near the city. Hristo Botev himself died as a result of a fatal wound.

Significance of the April Uprising

Despite the defeat, the April Uprising had a huge impact on the fate of Bulgaria. The brutal massacre committed in the very heart of “enlightened Europe” caused indignation among the European progressive public and an explosion of indignation in Russia, which considered the Bulgarians to be Orthodox brothers.

At the same time, when starting the uprising, its initiators and participants had little expectation of victory. Tsanko Dustab, one of the activists of the revolutionary movement, addressed the rebels this way: “Guys... we must... raise as many villages as possible to revolt and maintain the created situation as much as possible. Only this is our salvation, only in this way we "We will attract the attention of Europe, and without Europe we will not be able to do anything... With this uprising we will not be able to liberate Bulgaria. I am convinced of this. But we will attract attention and give Russia the opportunity to make noise."

One of the apostles of the April Uprising, Georgy Benkovsky, also stated: “My goal has already been achieved! In the heart of the tyrant, I opened such a fierce wound that will never heal, and Russia - let it come!”

The April uprising achieved its goal - the “Eastern Question” reaches its highest intensity and brings into action the “strategic reserve” of the Bulgarian national liberation movement - Russian military intervention. A year after the April Uprising, Russia declared war on Turkey, as a result of which the Bulgarian people were freed from Ottoman slavery and were given the opportunity to build their own state.

20:09 — REGNUM

On April 21, 1876, a new stage of the bloody Balkan crisis began in Bulgaria, which began in July 1875 in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

It should be noted that the population of the Bulgarian lands for the most part was not initially at all in favor of the rebels. The management regime here was not particularly cruel. The last major uprisings here took place in the upper Danube region in 1849-1850 and 1853. They were caused by the arbitrariness of the Turkish military authorities and were suppressed in the traditional manner of the Turkish administration: the entire Christian population, regardless of whether it took part in the uprising or not, became responsible for its beginning. Fleeing from massacres, a significant number of Bulgarians crossed the Danube into Wallachia and Moldavia. Some of the refugees settled in the principalities, where from the children of the 1850s. future revolutionaries of the 1870s grew up; some of them emigrated further to Russia, where they were given empty lands in the Crimea and along the Dniester for settlement.

After this, a period of relative calm began in the Bulgarian lands. Among the local peasantry, a wealthy stratum began to stand out - the Chorbajis, who did not want to put their lives and property at risk. On the other hand, the Bulgarians remained an absolutely powerless part of the population and could easily lose both at almost any moment. “I had never before had any idea of ​​the suffering of Christians under the Turkish yoke,” recalled a teacher at a Protestant college in Constantinople who visited Bulgaria in the spring of 1875, “but what I saw there and what filled me with horror was not directly related to the general direction of politics government - it was the tyranny of an armed Turkish minority over an unarmed and helpless Christian majority. In the cities where wealthy Bulgarians bribed Turkish officials, things were still good, but the peasants were virtually powerless slaves.”

The land situation in Danube Bulgaria and Dobruja worsened in the early 1860s. after the end of the Caucasian War, which was followed by a massive resettlement of the highlanders within the Ottoman Empire (the figures of Russian and Turkish researchers vary significantly, however, both are quite large: from 400 to 493 thousand people in 1858-1864. , and up to 1.4 million people from 1857 to 1876). In addition, the Tatars who left Crimea after 1856 settled in Dobruja. The Turkish government placed settlers in areas where the loyalty of the population was questioned by Constantinople - in Syria, Iraq, Palestine, Macedonia and Dobruja. To resettle the mountaineers, land was confiscated from the local population; in Bulgaria, the Christian population was also used as labor in the construction of houses for the settlers. “In this depressed area,” an employee of the Russian Consulate General reported to N.P. Ignatiev on August 1, 1875, “the Herzegovinian movement has hitherto made almost no definite impression. The common people are too downtrodden and illiterate, the Chorbajis care exclusively about their personal interests, especially now, at the time of harvesting grain and the government is farming out tithes, and the youth are utterly intimidated by the systematic persecution directed at them since 1867 for any attempt at free thought.” Nevertheless, the conditions for discontent that existed in the Bulgarian lands did not disappear.

The revolutionaries, who operated from neighboring territories - Serbia and Romania, decided to take advantage of these circumstances, trying to involve the rural population in the fight against the Turks. In Romania in the 1860-1870s. A number of Bulgarian newspapers were published - “Dunavska Zora”, “Fatherland”, “Narodnost”, “Svoboda” (later “Independence”), “Stara Planina”. In 1875, the magazines “New Bulgaria” and “Bulgarian Voice” were added to them. All of them were aimed at promoting the ideas of the liberation struggle. One of the leaders of the revolutionary emigration, Lyuben Karavelov, outlined his vision of the prospects for the struggle as follows in a conversation with a comrade-in-arms: “It is necessary to revive the committees, but not in order to free the people from the heavy yoke, but in order to prepare them for the revolution that will cause Russian intervention. Can you imagine what kind of fire will flare up in Europe, which barely knows the name of the Bulgarian, when it hears that in the Turkish Empire on the Balkan Peninsula so many villages and towns were burned, so many thousands of people were killed. If, with the help of committees, we can cause unrest, rebellion, and, as a result, a massacre somewhere in the fatherland, this will undoubtedly cause Russian intervention, I will say: “The committees played their role!” and I will be very pleased."

On September 16, 1875, Hristo Botev and Stefan Stambolov, having crossed the Danube, tried to start an uprising, but instead of the expected several thousand, only 23 people supported them. Having raised the banner of the uprising and sung several revolutionary songs, the members of the detachment retired back to Romanian territory. The Turks responded by launching massive repressions against the Bulgarians, without distinguishing between right and wrong. The result was inevitable. On October 13 (25), 1875, the charge d'affaires in Constantinople A. I. Nelidov reported to Alexander II: “Sovereign! The numerous arrests made in Bulgaria, far from calming the unrest, only increased the indignation of the inhabitants of this province, usually very peaceful. According to the manager of our consulate general in Ruschuk, even the old Chorbajis, usually hostile to the insane actions of young ardent patriots, this time expressed sympathy for the victims of the last clash... I remember that the Turks, during the last arrests, seized a large quantity of weapons prepared for the supposed uprising. Despite this, if a significant improvement in local government does not calm the excitement of minds, then we must expect that new unrest will break out here as soon as the Herzegovinian movement seizes Serbia and Montenegro.

The Russian diplomat was mistaken in his estimates by 1.5 months. Bulgarian emigrants in Romania did not expect an improvement in the Turkish system of government. Immediately after the September failure, more thorough preparations began for a new uprising, the start of which was planned for May 13, 1876. This time the emphasis was on the uprising in the cities. The organization was faced with a shortage of personnel with military experience and a clear shortage of weapons, especially modern small arms. It was very difficult to buy it, and even more difficult to bring it to Bulgaria. After the Starozagora uprising in September 1875, the authorities were on alert; they actively recruited informants among the Bulgarians and strengthened control and surveillance. It was clear that a new performance was being prepared. Up to 125 thousand Turkish soldiers and officers were constantly stationed in Northern Bulgaria; a flotilla patrolled the Danube. The revolutionaries collected everything they could: French, English, German, Russian rifles and flintlocks.

As a result of the betrayal, the plans of the Bucharest Bulgarian Center were discovered by the Turkish police. On April 19, the correspondence of the conspirators was intercepted and decrypted, and mass arrests began. The revolutionaries were forced to move ahead of schedule. By May 2, they managed to achieve success in only a few mountain towns, where the mass extermination of Turkish officials began. Attempts to give the movement an organized character failed - it was a typical action of peasants who did not want to go beyond the boundaries of their own community, village or town. At the same time, the main striking force of the uprising were teachers, merchants, students - representatives of the middle class. The rebels failed to achieve mass participation of the largest stratum of the population, that is, the peasantry; they were drawn into events against their will; the uprising did not receive any significant support in the rest of Bulgaria.

The Turkish authorities, who after the autumn arrests did not expect such a mass uprising, were given the opportunity to organize a punitive action on a huge scale. Up to 5 thousand soldiers and a significant number of bashi-bazouks were collected, the cadres of which were local Turks, Circassians, Pomaks (Turkish Bulgarians) and Muslim refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was these detachments that acted with particular cruelty in suppressing the uprising. Isolated centers of the uprising were crushed one after another, 80 settlements were burned and more than 200 settlements were destroyed. All Christians and all Christian villages that had the misfortune of being in the path of the punitive forces were exterminated. In many cases, innocent people were killed, including those who did not participate in the uprising and who showed loyalty to the power of the Sultan. The Christian population was forced to flee, seeking refuge in the mountains. “One cannot think without shuddering about those trials,” N.P. Ignatiev reported to Alexander II on April 27 (May 9), 1876 from Constantinople, “to which the unfortunate Bulgarian families, caught in the winter in the gorges of the Balkans, will be subjected... The danger and fear of massacre arises in all points in Bulgaria where the Turks are located. The situation is very tense."

The tension grew every day. On May 6, in Thessaloniki, a crowd of fanatics killed the German and French consuls who tried to intercede on behalf of a young Greek woman who had been kidnapped from her parents’ home for forced conversion to Islam. The unrest was not limited to this city; there was danger for the embassies in Constantinople. On May 7, demonstrations of armed madrasah students took place through the streets of the Turkish capital, the garrison commander put the Sultan's guard and troops on high alert, and battleships were anchored in the harbor opposite the palace. If necessary, they were to open fire on the rebels. Their numbers were estimated differently: from 20 to 5-6 thousand people. The demonstrators demanded a change in a number of people in the leadership of the country and succeeded in some ways - the Sultan replaced the Supreme Mufti and the Minister of War. The student protests did not stop there, but now the demand for a change in the Grand Vizier was increasingly heard. Meanwhile, the massacres in Bulgaria continued.

On May 25, 1876, the manager of the Russian consulate in Adrianople, Prince A. N. Tseretelev, reported on the actions of the Turkish authorities: “... From the first moment, bashi-bazouks were called up from everywhere, weapons were distributed to all Muslims, the scum of the Turkish population, gypsies, Circassians, who for many disarmed for years. Finally, these people were sent not against the rebels, who never appeared, but against flourishing villages and peaceful cities. The troops received orders to destroy everything at the slightest resistance. At first, this was considered to be opposition to robbery and oppression committed by the Bashi-Bazouks, then even these pretexts were not taken into account, and it was enough just to be a Bulgarian. It was not a question of looking for the guilty, but of exterminating Christians, of satisfying hatred that had been suppressed for a long time. Hundreds, thousands of Bulgarians of all ages and both sexes died under the most terrible circumstances; the details of the atrocities committed are terrible; in Perushtitsa, Batak, Vetren the entire population was slaughtered. Recently, the village of Boyacik near Yambol experienced the same fate. Women and girls were raped, killed and taken into slavery, children were killed, peasants who fled when the army approached, they killed those who remained with them, they killed those who were hiding, and those who surrendered their weapons - because they they had; and those who did not have it - because they did not give it up; fired from wagons at employees on the railway line... armed gangs roam the country, taking from the peasants everything that can be taken, and regular troops appear at the slightest resistance to put everything to fire and sword.”

Surprisingly, British diplomats did not differ from the Russians in assessing the actions of the authorities. “There is no excuse for the actions of the Turks,” wrote the British Ambassador to Turkey H. J. Elliott to the Consul General of his country in Belgrade, W. White, on May 26, 1876, “who armed the Bashi-Bazouks, Circassians and Gypsies, whose violence drives peaceful villagers into despair and rebellion . I'm doing what I can to stop it." It was not possible to stop “it”. Partly because the British ambassador did not make his personal attitude public. “He is trying,” Nelidov reported to Gorchakov on August 12 (24), 1876, “at the instigation of the Grand Vizier, to explain, if not justify, the behavior of the Turks; The barbarities committed in Bulgaria have deprived the Turks of the sympathy and goodwill of the English nation, but they can consider themselves calm, having established that they have not lost such from Sir Henry Elliott.”

Meanwhile, the principle of collective responsibility of the raya, that is, Christians, was in effect, from which not only Bulgarian peasants suffered. After the murders in Thessaloniki, the lives of European citizens were also at risk. The Sultan's government had difficulty controlling the situation under the windows of its offices; even in Constantinople, attacks on European embassies were expected. The atmosphere was extremely tense. The suppression of the uprising was accompanied by executions and torture of those captured; survivors of torture and trial were exiled to Diyarbakir, Cyprus, and Palestine.

At first, no one was particularly concerned about the number of victims in Bulgaria. According to the official report of the Turkish authorities, 3,100 Christians and 400 Muslims were killed during the suppression of the uprising. The first figure, of course, was an underestimate. The British consul officially estimated the number of Christian victims at 12 thousand people (although the report made for the ambassador called O the largest figure is 12 thousand victims in Philippopolis alone), his American counterpart is 15 thousand people, later Bulgarian studies give estimated figures for the tragedy - from 30 to 60 thousand people.

If the organization of the uprising ended in the military defeat of the Bulgarian revolutionaries, then the organization of its suppression led to the political defeat of the Turkish authorities. American and German journalists who investigated the picture of Turkish crimes were shocked to see over 3 thousand corpses and hundreds of severed children's heads in just one village. With particular frenzy, the bashi-bazouks destroyed schools and churches. Cases of mass burning of women and children alive were repeatedly recorded. The government did not make any serious attempts to stop them. This kind of first-hand news began to come to Europe already in July 1876. At first, they simply refused to believe in it, but when the information was confirmed, they played, according to the English diplomat, the role of the last straw in the cup of patience. The international reaction to Turkish atrocities in Bulgaria was extremely intense. Even in England, which constantly supported the Sultan, a widespread movement against Turkey began. The pamphlet “Bulgarian Horrors and the Eastern Question,” written by the leader of the liberal opposition V. Gladstone, sold 50 thousand copies in a few days. The press demanded immediate action to stop Turkish terror in the Balkans.

G. Garibaldi, V. Hugo, C. Darwin, I. S. Turgenev and many other figures of European culture and politics spoke in defense of the Bulgarian people. Of course, in Russia the massacre caused a storm of indignation. Already on May 5, 1876, the Moscow Slavic Committee issued an appeal to collect donations in favor of the Bulgarians: “Much has already been done by Russian society: the Russian zemstvo alms sent to the Slavs are great in their complexity, of which at least two-thirds were made up of the alms of the common people under with the assistance of the parish clergy. These contributions create the historical future of the entire Slavic world. Thanks to this public statement of popular opinion, the bond of sympathy between Russia and the Slavic tribes was maintained, and they did not lose heart. Thanks to the help provided from Russia, the families of our unfortunate fellow tribesmen and co-religionists did not die of hunger and cold and survived, somehow, for the whole winter, without losing faith in the final success of the cause for which their fathers, husbands, sons, brothers - all - strive men capable of bearing arms. A heavy burden fell, of course, on Russian society; The historical duty that has fallen to his lot is difficult, but Russia’s calling is great, and its fraternal duty has not yet been fulfilled.”

On June 22, the Emperor gave his highest permission to publicly appeal to his subjects for help to the Bulgarians. By this time, funds were already being actively collected by the Moscow, St. Petersburg and Odessa committees. One of the appeals read: “Russian people, may your helping hand never tire! The poor man, who has already given his penny of labor, knowing from experience what need means, let him give it again and again; one kopeck will not ruin you, but thousands, even tens and hundreds of thousands of rubles are collected from worldly kopecks. The rich man, who has already given and given generously, let him give more from his inexhaustible abundance. A rich man who has not yet given anything, because it is a pity to give a lot, but to give a little is ashamed, let him not be ashamed to give even a trifle, but let him just give! Dark people who do not really know these Bulgarians, just as they did not know the Herzegovinians and Bosniaks, but who have heard about Christians languishing in Turkey, let them give their “saved alms” for Christ’s sake. Educated people, but at the same time still little acquainted with the Slavs in general and the Turkish in particular, let them quickly replenish this shameful gap in their knowledge! It’s time, finally, not to allow yourself to be seduced by European fables about the Slavs, who are supposedly so stupid that they even feel a little when they are thrown into the fire or impaled!”

At the beginning of July 1876, a meeting of the Bulgarian Central Benevolent Society, which was generously subsidized by Russian Slavic committees, took place in Bucharest. The society promoted the creation of an independent Bulgaria (in the Bulgarian understanding of its geographical borders, which were to become state borders), formed volunteer groups, and provided assistance to refugees. Almost simultaneously with the beginning of the uprising in Bulgaria, a meeting of the three emperors took place in the capital of Germany. Since precise information about the massacre was not yet available, it mainly discussed the problem of Bosnia and Herzegovina. On the eve of his trip to Berlin, Gorchakov began to lean toward the idea of ​​an external guarantee of provincial autonomy; even a temporary, “under certain, precise conditions” Austrian occupation of Bosnia was allowed. The Chancellor hoped for "unconditional support from Prussia."

As a result, on May 1 (13), 1876, during the stay of Alexander II in Berlin, Gorchakov, Andrássy and Bismarck signed a memorandum, which was later joined by Italy and France. The memorandum demanded that the Turkish government conclude a truce with the rebels for 2 months, provide assistance in restoring their destroyed churches, homes and farms, and recognize the rebels’ right to retain weapons. Turkish troops were to be concentrated in several points determined by a special agreement; monitoring the implementation of the terms of the memorandum, if recognized, was entrusted to the consuls of the European powers. The Russian government was initially inclined to more actively support the rebels, but under pressure from Austria-Hungary it was forced to abandon these plans. On May 19, London responded to the proposals of the three empires. Lord Derby considered the demand for a truce to be illusory and harmful, and the provision for material compensation for destruction to be impossible in principle. The united action of Europe was thwarted by London.

Great Britain's refusal to support the Berlin Memorandum, Derby's demand to disarm only Christians, as well as categorical objections to international control over the Turkish authorities in the current conditions actually meant London's recognition of the Turkish administration's right to uncontrolled repression. The position of British diplomacy made a very negative impression on Alexander II and Gorchakov, but they still hoped that the position of the five Great Powers would be quite convincing. Apparently, Derby himself was well aware that the massacre would continue, because simultaneously with his refusal to accede to the Berlin Memorandum, he ordered that 4 British warships be sent to Thessaloniki to protect the subjects of Queen Victoria, and 1 to Constantinople, at the disposal of Ambassador Elliot. London had to do something. Even Derby couldn't get by with just words.

The German consul killed in Thessaloniki was a local native, but a British subject. In addition to England, France, Italy and Austria were forced to send their warships to the port of Thessaloniki. In response, the Sultan sent a special commission to the city, which was supposed to investigate the murder of the consuls. She was accompanied by a British gunboat. It is not surprising that the commission began to act energetically and arrested about fifty people. A modest naval demonstration and the speech of three emperors in Berlin led to the fact that the Sultan chose to go to a forced and therefore somewhat atypical demonstration of the rule of law in his country. An investigation has begun into the murders in Thessaloniki and Bulgaria. As a result, by the time it was completed in February 1877, 27 people (6 hanged) had been subjected to various punishments for the murder of the German and French consuls, and 12 people (2 hanged) for the massacre in Bulgaria, which killed thousands of people.

From “chorba” - soup, stew. Initially, “chorbadzhiy” was the name given to the Janissaries who distributed the stew from cauldrons.

national liberation and anti-feudal uprising in Bulgaria April 18-May 23, 1876. Prepared by the Bulgarian Revolutionary Central Committee (See Bulgarian Revolutionary Central Committee), located in Giurgiu (Romania), and revolutionary committees in Bulgaria. It began earlier than planned (May 1, 1876), due to the danger of arrest of the leaders that arose due to betrayal. It received its greatest scope in southern Bulgaria, where the main centers of the uprising, headed by T. Kableshkov and G. Benkovsky and others, there were the cities of Panagyurishte, Koprivshtitsa, the villages of Batak, Perushtitsa. However, the poorly armed rebel forces were defeated by Turkish troops and bashi-bazouks. In other parts of the country, the uprising was reduced to isolated actions of small detachments, which were also defeated. The last event of A. v. There was a landing on May 17 near the village of Kozloduy of a detachment (four) formed in Romania by H. Botev. The detachment reached the city of Vratsa and was destroyed by the Turkish authorities near it. During A. century. The big Bulgarian bourgeoisie took a position hostile to him. There are 2 points of view about the role of other social groups in modern historical science. Some historians (A. Burmov, H. Gandev, D. Kosev, etc.) believe A. v. the climax of the cross. movements whose leadership belonged to the intelligentsia. According to others (S. A. Nikitin, N. Todorov), the driving force of A. v. there were peasants and artisans, while the leadership belonged to representatives of the petty and middle bourgeoisie and the intelligentsia. Despite the defeat, A. v. shook Turkish feudal rule in Bulgaria, and the brutal suppression of A. v. contributed to the aggravation of the international situation and was one of the reasons for the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-78, as a result of which Bulgaria was liberated from Turkish domination.

Lit.: Nikitin S. A., Revolutionary struggle in Bulgaria in 1875-1876. and the April Uprising, in the collection: Liberation of Bulgaria from the Turkish yoke, M., 1953; Strashimirov D., History of the April Uprising, vol. 1-3, Plovdiv, 1907; Gandev H., April's rise, S., 1956; April uprising 1876-1966. Reports and statements on the anniversary of the Scientific Academy. session in Sofia, S., 1966; April uprising 1876. Excellent bibliography..., S., 1966.

S. A. Nikitin.

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"April Uprising 1876" in books

1876