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| How was the fate of Lenin's brothers and sisters? How was the fate of Lenin's older sister Anna Ulyanova Biography of Anna Ulyanova |
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The family lived in Simbirsk. In November 1880, Anna successfully graduated from the Simbirsk Mariinsky Women's Gymnasium, receiving a “large size” silver medal and a certificate from the Ministry of Public Education for the title of a home teacher. In the fall of 1893, together with her family, she moved from Samara to Moscow, where the next year she entered the social democratic movement, establishing ties with the workers 'circles "Moscow Workers' Union" of Mitskevich, Maslennikov and Chorba. She translated from German the play “Weavers” by G. Hauptmann and compiled a short brochure based on the book by EM Dementyev “The Factory, What It Gives to the Population and What It Takes”; these works were read a lot by the workers of Moscow and the Moscow region. In 1908-1909 in Moscow she was organizing the publication of Lenin's book "Materialism and Empirio-criticism". From 1909 to 1913. together with her sister M.I.Ulyanova, husband M.T.Yelizarov and mother V.I.Lenin M.A. apartment-museum of the Ulyanov family) A.I. Ulyanov, together with her sister M.I.Ulyanova, established contacts with local revolutionary leaders. They maintained contact with the foreign center, with V.I. Lenin. Under the leadership of the sisters, at the beginning of 1911, the Saratov organization of the RSDLP, destroyed by the secret police, was restored. The leading core of the group consisted of: M. I. Ulyanova, S. S. Krzhizhanovsky, workers: A. A. Larionov, A. V. Simonov, I. V. Nefedov, A. A. Gogolkin, Ya. Beschastnov. In the spring of 1911, the legal Social Democratic "Privolzhskaya Gazeta" began to appear. The Saratov organization of the RSDLP was one of the first to react positively to the decision of the meeting of the Central Committee members to convene the VI (Prague) Conference of the RSDLP and then approved its decisions aimed at strengthening the illegal party and fighting the liquidators and otzovists. The vigorous activity of the organization alarmed the authorities, and on the night of May 8, 1912, 13 people were searched and arrested, including MI Ulyanov, AI Ulyanova-Elizarova and other members. At the end of May, A. I. Ulyanova managed to break out of prison and take measures to establish further party work of the Saratov organization of the RSDLP. MI Ulyanova and other members of the organization were exiled to the Vologda province. In 1913, in St. Petersburg, she worked at Pravda, secretary of the Enlightenment magazine and a member of the editorial board of the Rabotnitsa magazine. Organized in Russia fundraising for the party and the transportation of literature. She was arrested in 1904, 1907, 1912, 1916, 1917. In 1918-1921 - head of the department of child protection in the People's Commissariat for Social Security, then in the People's Commissariat for Education. One of the organizers of Istpart and. Until the end of 1932 - research assistant; secretary and member of the editorial board of the journal "Proletarian Revolution". In 1924, after the death of V.I.Lenin, Elizarova was seconded by the Central Committee of the RCP (b) to Leningrad to collect materials about the Ulyanov family to write a scientific work on this topic. During these studies, in the archives of the Elizarova Ministry of Internal Affairs, it became known what was already known to another group of researchers as a result of the search for Lenin's ancestors in Ukraine to clarify his possible hereditary disease: Lenin's grandfather was a Jewish cantonist. However, at the same time, the Central Committee of the RCP (b) ordered to keep information about this in strict confidence. Elizarova protested against such a decision of the Central Committee, since she considered it unfair and violating the principle of national equality, but as a party member she was forced to obey, although she did not reconcile with it. It is known that on December 28, 1932, she wrote a letter to Stalin in which she reminded him of Lenin's Jewish roots, that her brother Vladimir always spoke quite well of Jews and she is very sorry that this fact about the Ulyanov family has not yet been made public. The letter was written by Elizarova in order to oppose | | ||
| Occupation: |
revolutionary |
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|---|---|---|
| Date of Birth: | ||
| Place of Birth: |
Nizhny Novgorod, |
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| Citizenship: |
Russian Empire Russian Empire → |
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| Date of death: | ||
| A place of death: |
Moscow, USSR |
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| Father: |
Ilya Nikolaevich Ulyanov |
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| Mother: |
Maria Alexandrovna Ulyanova |
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| Spouse: |
Mark Timofeevich Elizarov |
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| Children: |
Georgy Yakovlevich Lozgachev |
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| Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov (Lenin) | ||
|---|---|---|
| Ideas | Leninism Bolshevism Red Terror Dictatorship of the proletariat Socialist revolution Revolutionary situation Marxism-Leninism | |
| Biography | Simbirsk gymnasium Kazan University St. Petersburg University First emigration II Congress of the RSDLP Second emigration Sealed carriage Head of the Soviet government Death and burial of Lenin | |
| The organization | Union of Struggle for the Liberation of the Working Class RSDLP RSDLP (b) RCP (b) Second International Communist International Cheka GPU | |
| Developments | Attempts on Lenin's life V. I. Lenin's trip to Kashino April theses Fight around Lenin's "April Theses" | |
| Bibliography | What are "friends of the people" and how do they fight against the Social Democrats? On the characteristics of economic romanticism Development of capitalism in Russia What to do? One step forward, two steps back Party organization and party literature Materialism and empirio-criticism Three sources and three constituent parts of Marxism On the right of nations to self-determination Karl Marx (a short biographical sketch with an exposition of Marxism) Socialism and war Imperialism as highest stage Capitalism State and revolution About dual power Impending catastrophe and how to deal with it Letter to American workers How to organize competition Great initiative Childhood disease of "leftism" in communism Tasks of youth unions About the food tax About the massacre of Jews What is Soviet power? On left-wing childishness and petty-bourgeoisness Philosophical notebooks On the national pride of the Great Russians The Taylor system - the enslavement of man by machine Five years of the Russian revolution and the prospects for the world revolution On the so-called question of markets New economic policy and the tasks of political education Critical notes on national issue The agrarian question and the "criticism of Marx" | |
| Latest works | Pages from the diary About cooperation Letter to the congress About our revolution Better less is better How to reorganize the Rabkrin Once again about the trade unions, about the current situation and about the mistakes of Comrades. Trotsky and Bukharin | |
| Lenin phrases | There is such a party! Who will win? Political prostitute | |
| Lenin and culture | Leniniana Lenin on stamps (Lenin mourning edition) Lenin on coins Lenin Memorial Museum Monuments to Lenin Stories about Lenin Lenin's Shalash | |
| After death | Lenin's personality cult Lenin's mausoleum Anecdotes about Lenin Ilyich's testaments Ilyich's lamp Lenin's room Lenin is 100 years old List of objects named after Lenin Lenin is a mushroom | |
| Ulyanov family | Ilya Nikolaevich Ulyanov Maria Alexandrovna Ulyanova Anna Ilyinichna Elizarova Alexander Ilyich Ulyanov Olga Ilinichna Ulyanova Dmitry Ilyich Ulyanov Maria Ilinichna Ulyanova | |
Elizarova-Ulyanova, Anna Ilyinichna Information About
"Dear Anyuta"- it was with these words that Vladimir Lenin began his letters to his elder sister. Anna Elizarova-Ulyanova was an active leader of the revolutionary movement. Today we decided to tell a little about this woman.
Anna was born in 1864. She was the firstborn in a family with 8 children (two died in infancy). In 1880, Anna successfully graduated from the Simbirsk Mariinsky Women's Gymnasium and entered the Bestuzhev Higher Courses for Women in St. Petersburg (one of the first universities for women in Russia).
As a student, Anna closely communicated with her brother Alexander, which ended very sadly. On March 1, 1887, Sasha was arrested for participating in the organization assassination attempt on Emperor Alexander III. Anna, who just went to her brother's apartment, was also sent to prison.
After 3 days, the girl was released, but forced to leave Petersburg. Anna lived in the Kazan province, and then moved to Samara. Only in 1893 did she come to Moscow as a married woman. Her husband became Mark Elizarov- the future People's Commissar of Railways.
Anna Ilyinichna is distributing the Iskra newspaper both in Russia and abroad, naturally underground. The woman also organizes the publication of the largest monograph of her brother Vladimir, The Development of Capitalism in Russia.
Among the most popular publications of the Soviet Union was the magazine "Worker", one of the inspirers of which was precisely Anna Elizarova-Ulyanova.
After the revolution, a woman is actively involved in the work of the Soviet government. On her initiative, Child Protection Council, whose members helped small street children with food and supplied food to orphanages.
In 1919, Anna's husband dies of typhus, and she has to raise her adopted son alone George. And when Vladimir Lenin dies in 1924, his sister is instructed to collect information about their family in order to write a scientific work on this topic.
Anna discovers that their maternal grandfather was Jewish cantonist. But the Central Committee at that time had already come under the influence of Stalin, who forbade the dissemination of this information. The woman did not resign herself and even personally wrote a letter to Stalin, pointing out that the dissemination of information about Lenin's origins could reduce the wave of anti-Semitism that began to rise in the country. Nobody listened to her.
In 1933, Anna's health deteriorated. The younger sister Maria transported the woman to her place and selflessly looked after her. After 2 years, the woman died. They say that, delirious before her death, she began to recite the lines from Heine, which her brother Alexander loved so much.
Anna is a woman who has fought for her own ideals all her life, no matter what (about 10 arrests speak for themselves). Now her role in history, as well as the role of millions of her associates, can and should be disputed. But then she was sure that she was doing everything right ...
About the Ulyanovs Soviet years many books and articles have been written. They were presented to us as an example of an ideal family, almost all of whose members became revolutionaries. But was everything really so perfect?
Anna Ulyanova-Elizarova
Anna, the eldest daughter of Ilya Nikolaevich and Maria Aleksandrovna Ulyanov, was born on August 14 (26), 1864. After graduating from the Simbirsk Mariinsky Women's Gymnasium with a silver medal, she entered the Bestuzhev Higher Courses for Women in St. Petersburg. In 1886, she participated in a student demonstration, and was later arrested in the case of her brother Alexander, accused of attempting to assassinate the Tsar. The girl was sentenced to five years of exile, which she served in the village of Kokushkino, as well as Kazan and Samara. In July 1889, Anna married Mark Timofeevich Elizarov. She continued to actively participate in the social democratic movement and was arrested several times. After the revolution, Anna Ilyinichna Elizarova worked in the People's Commissariat for Social Security and in the People's Commissariat for Education, and was a research fellow at the Marx-Engels-Lenin Institute. She died on October 19, 1935.
Alexander Ulyanov
Alexander was born on March 31 (April 12) 1866. After graduating from high school with a gold medal, he entered the St. Petersburg University. In December 1886, together with a fellow student P.Ya. Shevyrev created the Terrorist Faction of the Narodnaya Volya Party. Members of the faction planned to carry out an attempt on the king. Alexander sold his high school gold medal and with this money bought explosives for a bomb. The assassination attempt was supposed to take place on March 1, 1887, but it was prevented. 15 participants in the conspiracy were arrested, including Ulyanov. The court sentenced the "main conspirators" to execution by hanging, which took place on May 8 (20), 1887.
Olga Ulyanova
Olga was born on November 4 (16), 1871. She, who graduated from high school with a gold medal, was denied the position of a teacher as the sister of a state criminal. Nevertheless, in 1890 she managed to enter the physics and mathematics department of the Bestuzhev courses. Olga was an intelligent and gifted girl: she drew beautifully, knew several languages and dreamed of becoming a doctor. However, after studying at the courses for only six months, Olga died of typhoid fever... Ironically, it happened on the fourth anniversary of her brother's execution.
Dmitry Ulyanov
Lenin's younger brother Dmitry was born on August 16 (28), 1874. In 1893 he entered the medical faculty of Moscow University, began attending illegal Marxist circles of the Moscow "Workers Union". In November 1897 he was arrested and expelled from the university for revolutionary activities. It was only in 1901 that he still managed to get a medical degree at the Yuryevsk (Tartu) University. Until the revolution, Dmitry Ilyich Ulyanov combined medicine with revolutionary activities. He served as a military doctor, then helped to establish Soviet power in the Crimea, worked in the People's Commissariat of Health, the clinic of the Kremlin's Sanitary Administration ... Died on July 16, 1943.
Maria Ulyanova
Maria, the most youngest child Ulyanovs, was born on February 6 (18), 1878. After graduating from the gymnasium in 1895, she tried to enter the Bestuzhev courses, but was not accepted and graduated from the two-year courses for home teachers. In 1898, Maria Ulyanova, like her brothers and sisters, joined the RSDLP. She was a propagandist in workers' circles, distributed illegal literature, and was arrested several times. In the end, Maria managed to go abroad and receive a French teacher's diploma at the Sorbonne. Returning to Russia, she worked as a governess, a front-line nurse of mercy - and at the same time continued her revolutionary activities. Maria Ilyinichna died relatively early - on June 12, 1937, at the age of 59.
Rock of the Ulyanovs
What is the bottom line? The Ulyanov family can hardly be called exemplary. The eldest son Alexander tried to start his "career" with murder - and paid dearly for it. In addition, because of him, the whole family suffered, which the authorities began to consider unreliable. The talented Olga died early from illness. The rest spent their youth in prisons and exile. Historians often pay attention to the fact that almost all of the Ulyanovs remained childless. Anna and Mark Elizarov had only adopted children. Vladimir and Nadezhda Krupskaya had no children. Maria Ulyanova never married. And only Dmitry had a daughter from his second marriage and an illegitimate son. Maybe they, who were engaged in the revolution, had no time for family joys? Or was it just that fate decreed?
FAMILY ENVIRONMENT
(Parents of V.I.Ulyanov-Lenin and their time)
Vladimir Ilyich's father, Ilya Nikolaevich Ulyanov, was from the poor bourgeoisie of the city of Astrakhan. For seven years he lost his father. His education - and he received not only secondary, but also higher education - he owes entirely to his older brother Vasily Nikolaevich. More than once in his life Ilya Nikolayevich recalled with gratitude his brother, who had replaced his father, and he told us, his children, how much he owed his brother. He told us that Vasily Nikolayevich himself wanted to study very much, but his father died, and in his very young years he remained the only breadwinner of a family consisting of a mother, two sisters 1 and a little brother. He had to enlist in a private office and abandon his dreams of education. But he decided that if he himself did not have to study, he would educate his brother, and after finishing the last gymnasium he sent him to Kazan, to the university, and helped him there, until Ilya Nikolaevich, accustomed to work from childhood, became himself contain yourself with lessons.
Vasily Nikolayevich did not have a family of his own and gave all his life to his mother, sisters and brother.
Ilya Nikolaevich's student years fell on the difficult reign of Nicholas I, when our homeland suffered under the yoke of serfdom, most of the population was slaves, whom their owners, landowners, could whip, exile to Siberia, sell like cattle, separate families, marry in their own way. discretion. The crushed, downtrodden peasant masses were completely uncultured, illiterate. Here and there, riots broke out against especially cruel landowners, "red cocks" (arson) were sent to them, but all this was disorganized, severely suppressed, and again in the villages there was hopeless darkness and despair, filled with the only consolation, the only salvation - vodka. And for the most rebellious, for those who could not obey, there was only one thing left: to flee to the steppe, forests and live as a robbery.
Know, in that old age Life was not joy. Kohl was running man From my native village, I left my father's house, Parted with his wife And beyond the Volga I was looking Only one will.
So it was sung in one folk song.
Heavy oppression over the majority of the population, the "lower" class, as it was said then, did not allow people of the "upper" class to live peacefully and happily honestly and sincerely loving their homeland. They were indignant at the lack of rights of their country, responded to Western European revolutions, talked about the need for freedom of speech, press, assembly, about the advantage of the elective principle in government, and above all about the need to abolish serfdom - this shame that no European country had for a long time. Those who acted especially boldly died in hard labor and gallows (the trial of the Decembrists in 1825, the Petrashevists in 1848 2, etc.); the rest fell silent and whispered in the corners and again, as the poet put it:
Lies around the dawn haze, A whirlwind of anger and rage rushes. Above you, unrequited country; All living things, all honest ones look sideways.
This oppression became especially difficult after the revolution of 1848, which swept across Europe. As a general European gendarme, Nicholas I was then guarding the autocracy, sending Russian soldiers to shed blood, pacifying the revolution in Hungary. The autocracy was still so strong then that it could afford the luxury of suppressing uprisings not only in its own country, but also in neighboring ones.
And in his own, every manifestation of free thought was suppressed. The student body was also heavily oppressed. Only in close circles did the youth dare to divert their souls by talking, to sing their forbidden songs to the words of Ryleev and others. Later these songs were heard from Ilya Nikolayevich by his children far from the city, on walks through the forests and fields.
It was necessary to go through that difficult time to feel great relief when, with the death of Nicholas I and with the accession of his son Alexander II to the kingdom, a period of reforms began for Russia. First of all, it was decided to abolish serfdom. This decision was caused, of course, mainly by the need to obtain free working hands for the developing capitalist industry and the growing discontent and revolts of the serfs. No wonder Alexander II said: "We must hurry to give freedom from above, until the people take it from below." The emancipation of the peasants was such a big shift that there was general jubilation in the country. This mood is well expressed by Nekrasov:
I know, instead of serfs' networks People came up with many others, So ... But it is easier for the people to unravel them. Muse, greet freedom with hope.
Of course, soon the sobering began. The first to sound the alarm was our great seer Chernyshevsky, who paid for it with his whole life in the prisons of remote Siberia; revolutionary youth organizations also began to emerge. But for people such as peaceful, cultural workers, a wide field of activity opened up after the clutches of the Nikolaev regime, and they rushed there with ardor. New courts, incomparably greater freedom of the press, and finally, public education - all this called for the progressive people of that time. Public education - an opportunity to educate yesterday's slaves - was exciting for many, many.
Ilya Nikolaevich was one of them. He gladly went to the newly opened position of inspector of public schools in the Simbirsk province. Before that, he was a gymnasium teacher and was very much loved by his students. He carefully and patiently explained the lessons to them, condescended to their pranks, prepared poor students free of charge for exams. He was a teacher at heart, who loved his job. But he wanted a wider field of work and wanted to apply it not for the more wealthy students of the gymnasium, but for the most needy, for those who find it most difficult to get an education, for the children of yesterday's slaves.
And the field opened up really wide. In the Simbirsk province there were very few schools, and even those of the old type: they huddled in dirty and cramped rooms, the teachers were poorly educated and hammered their studies more with cuffs. It was necessary to plant everything again: to convince the peasants at gatherings to build new schools, to obtain funds for them in other ways, to arrange pedagogical courses for young teachers in order to teach them how to teach according to the new requirements of pedagogy. It was necessary to keep up everywhere, but Ilya Nikolaevich was alone for the whole province. The then roads made the work very difficult: shaking, impassable in mud or muddy roads, bumpy in winter. I had to leave home for weeks or even months, eating and sleeping in dirty entrance huts. And Ilya Nikolaevich's health was not strong. But love for work and great diligence and perseverance won everyone, and for 17 years of work Ilya Nikolayevich built about 450 schools in the province, courses were opened that brought up new teachers, who were called "Ulyanovsk".
The case grew. Ilya Nikolayevich was gradually supplemented with assistants - inspectors, and he himself was appointed director. He already had to manage the business more, but he remained the same diligent worker, the same simple person in his way of life and treatment. Teachers came to him easily to consult, in schools he replaced sometimes sick teachers. A large family, raising children absorbed all his earnings, he spent very little on himself, did not like big society and pleasures. To take a break from business, he loved talking with people who were interested in this business, loved to relax in the family, watching the upbringing of children, loved playing chess. Demanding to himself and to others during work, he knew how to be an exciting, cheerful interlocutor during rest, joked with children, told them fairy tales and anecdotes. In conversations and games (chess, croquet) he behaved in a comradely manner with the children, being carried away no less than them.
He burned out early in a big job and died suddenly of a cerebral hemorrhage on January 12, 1886, at the age of 55.
The mother of Vladimir Ilyich, Maria Alexandrovna, was the daughter of a doctor who was a very advanced person in his time. She spent most of her childhood and adolescence in the countryside. Father's funds were very limited, the family was large, and the young girl, raised by a strict aunt, 5 got used to work and frugality early on. The father raised 6 daughters in a Spartan way: the girls wore chintz dresses with short sleeves and an open neck in summer and winter, and there were only two shifts of these dresses for each. The food was simple: even as adults, they did not receive any tea or coffee, which their father considered harmful. This upbringing tempered the health of Maria Alexandrovna, made her very hardy. She was distinguished by an even, firm, but at the same time cheerful and friendly character. Endowed with good abilities, she studied foreign languages and music and read a lot.
She passionately wanted to study more, and all her life she recalled with regret that the lack of funds did not give her this opportunity.
Finding no interest in outfits, gossip and gossip, which at that time were the content of the ladies' society, Maria Alexandrovna closed herself in the family and devoted herself with all seriousness and sensitivity to raising children. Noticing the shortcomings of the children, she patiently and persistently fought with them. She never raised her voice, almost never resorted to punishments and knew how to achieve great love and obedience of children. Her favorite pleasure was music, which she passionately loved and conveyed very soulfully. And the children loved to fall asleep to her music, and later - to work to her.
There were also no disputes or disagreements between the parents, who lived very amicably, in matters of upbringing, which always has such a harmful effect on children. They usually discussed any doubts on this score in private, and the children always saw a "united front" in front of them.
Feeling sincere love, seeing that their interests are always in the foreground of their parents, the children themselves have learned to respond in kind. Our family was friendly, welded. She lived very modestly, only on her father's salary, and only with great savings did the mother manage to make ends meet, but still the children did not need anything necessary, and their spiritual needs, whenever possible, were satisfied.
We see, therefore, that the family environment and the conditions of upbringing were very favorable for the development of the mind and character of the children. The childhood of Vladimir Ilyich and his brothers and sisters was bright and happy.
CHILDREN'S AND JUNIOR YEARS OF VLADIMIR Ilyich
Vladimir Ilyich was born in Simbirsk on April 10 (22), 1870. He was the third child in a family of 7.
Lively, lively and cheerful, he loved noisy games and running around. He was not so much playing with toys as breaking them8. For about five years he learned to read, then he was prepared by the parish teacher of the 9th Simbirsk for the gymnasium, where he entered in 1879 in the fall, nine and a half years, in the first grade.
The teaching came easily to him. From the elementary grades he was the best student and, as such, received the first awards when moving from class to class. At that time they consisted of a book with embossed gold on the cover "For good behavior and success" and a commendation sheet. In addition to his excellent abilities, a serious and attentive attitude to work made him the best student. Father taught this with early years him, like his older brother and sister, watching himself over their studies in the lower grades 10. The example of his father, mother, constantly employed and working people, and especially his older brother Sasha, was also of great importance for little Volodya. Sasha was an unusually serious, thoughtful and strict boy about his duties. He was also distinguished not only by his firm, but also fair, sensitive and affectionate character and enjoyed the great love of all the younger ones. Volodya imitated his elder brother so much that we even laughed at him - no matter what question we asked him, he answered invariably one thing: "Like Sasha." And if example is important in childhood in general, then the example of several older brothers is more important than the example of adults 11.
Due to his habit of taking business seriously, Volodya, no matter how playful and striker he was, listened attentively in class. This great attentiveness, as his teachers noted at that time, together with brisk abilities gave him the opportunity to learn well any new lesson even in class, so that he almost did not have to repeat it at home. I remember how quickly he finished his lessons in elementary grades, and then he began to be naughty, walked around and interfered with us, the elders, who studied in the same room. His father sometimes took him to his study to check his lessons, and asked Latin words throughout the notebook, but usually Volodya knew everything. He also read a lot as a child. All newly published children's books and magazines were sent to my father; we also subscribed in the library
Sister Olya (born November 4, 1871) was a constant friend of Volodya's games. A very capable, lively and lively girl, for four years she learned to read near him and learned, too, very easily and willingly. In addition, recalling some of the character traits of her brother Sasha, Olya was extremely hardworking. I remember how in one of the last grades of the gymnasium Volodya, listening to Olya's endless piano sketches from the next room, told me: "This is whose efficiency one can envy." Realizing this, Volodya began to develop in himself the ability to work, which we all marveled at in his later years and which, along with his excellent abilities, helped him achieve such brilliant results.
Vladimir Ilyich willingly shared his knowledge with his schoolmates, explaining to them difficult lessons, tasks, compositions and translations from Greek and Latin.11 And in the last two grades of the gymnasium, in addition to his lessons, he studied with one teacher Chuvashenin 12, preparing him for graduation exam for admission to the university. I studied for free, since the latter had nothing to pay. And Vladimir Ilyich did prepare his student, despite his incapacity. He passed the exam and was able to study his favorite mathematics at the university.
I also had to personally, on my own, get to know Vladimir Ilyich as a teacher, although he was more than five years younger than me and was still a high school student, and I was already in the penultimate course of the Higher Courses for Women. And yet he helped me close one breakthrough. In the spring of 1886, I had to pass several exams, including Latin for three whole years. Latin was then a compulsory subject in the history and verbal department. It was taught in those years of the predominance of classical education in a very official manner and was abandoned with me, like with most of the students. After graduating from high school, young people, of course, were drawn to something more lively and social, and I even tried to give up Latin, to become a volunteer at Moscow courses. When this plan was abandoned, I had to take Latin seriously, and I planned to adjust it during winter break, but did not have time to do anything. And after my father's death (January 12, 1886), all my classes went especially hard for me, and Latin did not budge. Then Volodya offered to help me with this, despite the fact that he himself had a lot of lessons in the penultimate grade of the gymnasium and he studied with the teacher of the Chuvash school Okhotnikov. The boy, who was not yet 16 years old, took on this new burden so easily and willingly. And not only took it - you never know what young people are ready to take on in the heat of the moment in order to quit at the first difficulty - but taught the classes very seriously and assiduously and would have continued them if I had not left for St. Petersburg in March. And he led them so attentively, with such liveliness and interest, that he soon drew me into the "nasty Latin". There was a lot to go through, it was required to read and translate Julius Caesar "On old age", and most importantly, to know and be able to explain all the rules of complex Latin grammar encountered. I felt, of course, a feeling of awkwardness that I could not overcome my breakthrough on my own, but resorted to the help of my younger brother, who himself knew how to work without breakthroughs. There was, undoubtedly, a certain dose of false pride that I began to study under the guidance of my younger brother, a high school student. But our classes went off so briskly that soon all feeling of awkwardness disappeared. I remember that Volodya noted for me with enthusiasm some of the beauties and peculiarities of the Latin style. Of course, I knew too little of the language to be able to appreciate them, and the classes focused more on explaining the different grammatical forms inherent in Latin, like supinum gerund and gerund (verbal adjective and noun), and invented for easier memorization of sayings and poems like (gerund):
Gutta cavat Iapidem Non vi sed saepe cadendo; Sic homo sit doctus Non vi sed multo Studendo. Drop hollows the stone Not by force, but by frequent fall, This is how a person becomes a scientist. Not by force, but by many teachings.
I remember that I expressed my doubts to Volodya that it would be possible to complete the eight-year course of the gymnasium in such a short time, but Volodya reassured me, saying: “After all, this is in the gymnasiums, with a stupidly set teaching there, eight years are spent on this course of Latin, - an adult, a conscientious person may well complete this eight-year course in two years, "and as proof pointed out to me that he would pass it in two years with Okhotnikov, and indeed passed it, despite the latter's more than mediocre ability to learn languages. Our classes were very lively, with great love for business. This was not the first student who diligently memorized his lessons - it was, rather, a young linguist who knew how to find the peculiarities and beauty of the language.
Since a taste for linguistics was inherent in me as well, I was very soon conquered, and these activities, interspersed with Volodya's cheerful laughter, pushed me forward a lot. I passed the exam successfully in the spring in three years, and after a few years, knowing the basics of Latin made it easier for me to study Italian language which gave me the opportunity to earn money and gave me a lot of pleasure.
It is curious to note that some contemporary writers find in Lenin's style similarities to the Latin classical style (see the articles of Eichenbaum, Yakubovsky and Tynyanov in the Lef magazine) 14.
In 1886, when Volodya was not yet 16 years old, his father, Ilya Nikolaevich, died, and a year later the family suffered another grave misfortune: for participation in the assassination attempt on Tsar Alexander III, he was arrested and sentenced to death penalty and then executed - May 8, 1887 - his elder beloved brother Alexander. This misfortune made a strong impression on Vladimir Ilyich, hardened him, made him think more seriously about the ways in which the revolution was supposed to go. Actually, already Alexander Ilyich stood at the crossroads between Narodnaya Volya and Marxists. He was familiar with Karl Marx's Capital, recognized the course of development he had outlined, as can be seen from the party program he had drawn up.15 He led circles among the workers. But at that time there was still no ground for Social-Democratic work. There were few workers; they were disconnected and undeveloped; it was then difficult for the intelligentsia to approach them, and the oppression of the tsarist despotism was so strong that for the slightest attempt to communicate with the people they were imprisoned and sent to Siberia. And not only with the people: if fellow students organized some of the most innocent circles for reading, for communicating with each other, then the circles were dispersed, and the students were sent home. Only those young people who thought only of a career and a quiet life could remain indifferent to such a regime. More and more honest, sincere people were eager to fight, first of all, they were eager to undermine at least a little the cramped walls of autocracy in which they were suffocating. The most advanced people were threatened with death at that time, but death could not frighten the courageous people. Alexander Ilyich was one of them. He not only, without hesitation, left the university and his beloved science (he was predicted to become a professor), when he felt that he could no longer endure the arbitrariness that was crushing the whole country, but without hesitation, he gave up his life. He took upon himself the risky work of preparing the shells and, admitting this in court, thought only about how to shield his comrades.
Alexander Ilyich died as a hero, and his blood lit up the path of his next brother, Vladimir, with the glow of a revolutionary fire.
This misfortune happened just in the year Volodya graduated from the gymnasium.
Despite his difficult experiences, which he was able to endure with great firmness, Volodya, like his sister Olya, graduated from the gymnasium this year with a gold medal.
Naturally, the clouds from the thunderstorm that swept over the family also thickened over the heads of the rest of its members, that the authorities tended to look very suspiciously at the next brother, and one could fear that he would not be allowed to enter any university.
The then director of the Simbirsk gymnasium F. Kerensky greatly appreciated Vladimir Ilyich, treated very well his father, Ilya Nikolaevich, who had died a year before, and wanted to help the talented student to get around these obstacles. This explains the highly "good-natured" characterization of him, which was sent by Kerensky to Kazan University and signed by other members of the pedagogical council. The late Ilya Nikolaevich was a very popular, beloved and respected person in Simbirsk, and as a result his family enjoyed great sympathy. Vladimir Ilyich was the beauty of the gymnasium. In this, Kerensky's characterization is absolutely correct. He also correctly points out that this was not only due to talent, but also due to the diligence and accuracy of Vladimir Ilyich in fulfilling the required qualities, brought up by that reasonable discipline that was the basis of home education.
Kerensky, of course, for the purpose of emphasizing that religion was the basis of education, 16 just as he tries to emphasize the "excessive isolation", "unsociability" of Vladimir Ilyich. my own opinion ”, Kerensky even sins a little against the truth. Always brave and playful, aptly noticing funny sides in people, the brother often made fun of both his comrades and some teachers. At one time, Vladimir Ilyich took as a target for ridicule a teacher of the French language, by the name of Por.
This Por was a very limited veil, they say, a cook by profession, a prolaza, who married the daughter of a Simbirsk landowner and made his way through it into "society." He rubbed himself constantly near the director or inspector; decent teachers treated him with disdain. Completely offended, he insisted on a four of the behavior of an impudent student at a quarter.
In view of the fact that my brother was already in the seventh grade, this incident smelled serious. My father told me about him in the winter of 1885, when I arrived on vacation, adding that Volodya had given him his word that this would not happen again 17.
But was it not in the same trifles that the exclusion and corruption of everything was often rooted? life path rebellious young man ?! The attitude towards his father and the whole family, as well as the exceptional talent of Vladimir Ilyich, saved him from this.
On the same considerations as the characterization of Kerensky, my mother's decision was based not to let Vladimir Ilyich go to university alone, but to move to Kazan with my whole family.
In Kazan, an apartment in the building b. Rostov, on the First Mountain, from where Vladimir Ilyich moved a month later with his whole family to Novo-Komissariatskaya, to the house of Solovieva.
In those years of calm and timelessness, when Narodnaya Volya was already defeated, the Social Democratic Party had not yet emerged in Russia and the masses had not yet entered the arena of struggle, the only layer in which discontent did not subside, as in other strata of society, but manifested itself in separate outbreaks, there was a student body.
There were always honest, ardent people in it, openly indignant, trying to fight. And that's why he was pressed hardest by the paw of the government. Searches, arrests, deportations - all this fell hardest on students. Since 1887, the oppression has intensified as a result of an attempt on the life of the tsar, made in the spring of this year in St. Petersburg, in which there were almost only students.18
Uniforms, bedels, the most careful supervision and espionage at the university, the removal of more liberal professors, the prohibition of all organizations, even such innocent ones as the community, the expulsion and expulsion of many students who were at least somewhat in sight - all this lifted the spirits of students from the first the same months of the academic year.
Since November, a wave of so-called “riots” has swept across all universities. She came to Kazan.
Students of Kazan University gathered on December 4, noisily demanded an inspector, refused to disperse; when the latter appeared, they presented him with a number of demands - not only purely student, but also political. The details of this encounter, conveyed to me in due time by my brother, have not been preserved in my memory. I only remember the story of my mother, who went to bother about him, that the inspector noted Volodya as one of the most active participants in the gathering, whom he saw in the front rows, very excited, almost with clenched fists. Vladimir Ilyich was arrested in an apartment from 4 to 5 December and spent several days with other arrested at the precinct (a total of 40 people). They were all expelled from Kazan. V.V. Adoratsky tells about the following conversation with the bailiff, who had taken him away after his arrest, which was passed on to him later by Vladimir Ilyich.
Why are you rebelling, young man? After all, there is a wall in front of you.
The wall, but rotten, poke it - and it will fall apart, - Vladimir Ilyich answered without hesitation.
The whole exception story happened very quickly. Vladimir Ilyich was exiled to the village of Kokushkino, 40 versts from Kazan, to the acquired estate of his maternal grandfather, Alexander Dmitrievich Blank, where at that time his sister Anna (who writes these lines) lived under public supervision, to whom the five-year public supervision in Siberia was replaced , at the request of the mother, by deportation to this village. A fifth of this estate belonged to my mother, and our family spent the winter of 1887/88 in the outbuilding of one of the two aunts 19 who ran there, which was very cold and uncomfortable.
We had no neighbors. We spent the winter all alone. The rare visits of a cousin and visits to the police chief, who is obliged to check whether I am on the spot and whether I am promoting peasants — that's all we saw. Vladimir Ilyich read a lot - in the outbuilding there was a bookcase with the books of the late uncle of a very well-read man, there were old magazines with valuable articles; in addition, we subscribed to the Kazan library, subscribed to newspapers. I remember what an event the opportunity from the city was for us and how impatiently we opened the cherished caves (a basket of local work), which contained books, newspapers and letters. Likewise, and back, when the caves appeared, he was loaded with returned books and mail. I also have such a recollection with him. Once in the evening, everyone sat for correspondence, preparing the mail, which was to be picked up early in the morning by the aunt's worker in a packed cave.
It struck me that Volodya, who usually hardly wrote letters, was scribbling something big and was generally in an agitated state. The whole cave was loaded; Mother and the smaller ones had already settled down, while Volodya and I sat still, as usual, and talked. I asked who he wrote to. It turned out to be a gymnasium friend who entered another - I remember, one of the southern - university. Described in it, of course, with great enthusiasm, student riots in Kazan and asked about what was at their university.
I began to prove to my brother the worthlessness of sending such a letter, the completely fruitless risk of new reprisals to which he exposed himself with this step. But it was never easy to convince him. In an elevated mood, walking around the room and with visible pleasure passing me those harsh epithets with which he awarded the inspector and other powers that be, he laughed at my fears and did not want to change his mind. Then I pointed out to him the risk to which he exposes a comrade by sending a letter of this content to his personal address, that this comrade, perhaps, is also among the excluded or in mind and similar letter will bring aggravation of his lot.
Then Volodya became thoughtful, and then rather quickly agreed with this last consideration, went into the kitchen and took out, albeit with apparent regret, the ill-fated letter from the cave.
Later, in the summer, I had the pleasure of hearing from him in one conversation on some occasion between us and my cousin a half-joking, half-serious statement that he was grateful to me for one piece of advice. This happened after he reread the letter that had lain for several months in his box and destroyed it.
In addition to reading, Vladimir Ilyich studied in Kokushkin with his younger brother, went with a gun, in winter on skis. But this was his first, so to speak, trial of a gun, and the hunt was unsuccessful all winter. I think that this happened also because, like my other two brothers, he was never a hunter at heart.
But life, of course, was boring in a snow-covered outbuilding, and it was here that Volodya's habit of intensified studies helped. I remember especially vividly the steep, early spring, after this wearying lonely winter, the first spring we spent in the village. I remember long walks and conversations with my brother through the surrounding fields to the accompaniment of invisible larks pouring incessantly in the sky, greenery slightly breaking through and snow whitening along the ravines ...
In the summer, cousins arrived - Volodya had companions for walking, hunting, playing chess, but all of these were people without a social vein and could not be interesting interlocutors for Volodya. They, although older, gave way to Volodya's apt word and sly smile ...
Since the fall of 1888, Vladimir Ilyich was allowed to move to Kazan, where his mother moved with the smaller ones. A little later I was allowed to move there too.
LIFE IN KAZAN
The apartment was rented in Orlova's house, on the First Mountain, not far from the Arsk field, in an outbuilding. The apartment had a balcony and a pretty picturesque garden on the mountain. For some reason, there were two kitchens on the first floor, and the rest of the rooms on the upper floor. Volodya chose a second, superfluous, kitchen for himself because it was more secluded and more convenient for studying than the upper rooms, he surrounded himself with books and sat at them most day. Here he began to study the I volume of "Capital" by Karl Marx.
I remember how in the evenings, when I went down to chat with him, he told me with great warmth and enthusiasm about the foundations of Marx's theory and the new horizons that it opened up. I remember him, as now, sitting on the tiles of his room covered with newspapers and gesticulating vigorously. From him and breathed a cheerful faith, which was transmitted to the interlocutors. Even then, he already knew how to convince and captivate with his word. And then he did not know how, studying something, finding new ways, not to share it with others, not to recruit supporters for himself. He soon found such supporters, young people who also studied Marxism and were revolutionary-minded, in Kazan.
Due to the special supervised position of our family, these acquaintances almost did not come to us, but usually Volodya went to the apartments where they gathered. Of the surnames mentioned by him, I remember only two: Chetvergova, an elderly folk wolf, about whom
Volodya responded with great sympathy, and the student — I don’t remember whether he was expelled — Chirikov, the future fiction writer, who later retired from the revolution and even went over to the camp of enemies. Vladimir Ilyich was nevertheless rather cautious of his attention to his mother. The exceptional courage with which she endured the misfortune with the loss of her brother Alexander aroused surprise and respect even from strangers. All the more we felt it, the children, for whose sake, for whose worries she was holding herself back with a terrible effort of will. Nadezhda Konstantinovna 22 told me that Vladimir Ilyich also told her about the amazing courage with which his mother endured the loss of her brother, and later Olga's sister.
Her influence on us from childhood was enormous. I will say more about this elsewhere, but here I will only point to one episode from Kazan life. Volodya began to smoke. His mother, fearing for his health, who was not strong in childhood and adolescence, began to convince him to quit smoking. Having exhausted the arguments about the harm to health, which usually have little effect on young people, she pointed out to him that he would allow himself, in fact, to spend unnecessary expenses - at least a penny (we all lived on the mother's pension at that time), not having his own earnings. should not. This argument turned out to be decisive, and Volodya immediately - and forever - quit smoking. My mother was happy to tell me about the case, adding that, of course, she used the cost argument as a last clue.
Volodya spoke to me about the abstracts they had read, about some of the meetings he spoke with great animation. By the spring, as always happens, the activities of the circles became more energetic, and Volodya began to be absent more often in the evenings.
At the time, as we see from the studies of the then circle work that have come out now, there were several circles in Kazan. They could not unite, even meet, at the request of the conspiracy. Some members did not even know about the existence of other circles, and some, if they knew or guessed, were not aware of who was part of them. Surnames were not called unnecessarily. At that time, a very active young revolutionary, a convinced Social Democrat, Nikolai Evgrafovich Fedoseev, was in the central circle.
Expelled from the last class of the gymnasium, Fedoseev carried on energetic revolutionary work. The central circle had a library of illegal and unauthorized books, and in spring the technique for reproducing local publications and for reprinting rare illegal ones began to be improved. Vladimir Ilyich heard about these plans, but he himself was not a member of this circle. And he personally did not know Fedoseyev, but only heard about him. But nevertheless, when he heard about the arrest that took place in Kazan in July 1889, he told me that he would probably have flown in the same way: Fedoseyev was arrested, his circle was destroyed, and some members of the circle that Vladimir Ilyich belonged to were also taken away. Then Ilyich saved the move of our entire family in May 1889 to the Samara province, to a farm near the village of Alakayevka, bought by my mother through M.T. our family settled in Samara 25.
Thus, Vladimir Ilyich happily escaped the Kazan pogrom, which cost Fedoseyev about two and a half years of imprisonment - first preliminary, and then, according to the verdict, in "Kresty" (this was the name of the Vyborg prison in St. Petersburg, where those sentenced to imprisonment were imprisoned). Moving to more remote Samara gave him the opportunity to work more calmly in the development of his Marxist worldview, and later - in preparing for the university exam. And his summer stay at the farm in a very healthy, beautiful area undoubtedly strengthened his health.
LIFE IN SAMARA
Vladimir Ilyich strove to enter the university again, but he was stubbornly denied this, and when he was finally allowed to pass the final exam at the university instead, he sat down close to cramming various legal sciences and in 1891 passed the exam at St. Petersburg University. Then many were surprised that, being expelled from the university, in some year, without any outside help, without passing any course and semi-course tests, he prepared so well that he passed along with his course. In addition to his excellent abilities, Vladimir Ilyich was helped in this by his great ability to work.
I remember how in the summer in the Samara province he set up a secluded office for himself in a dense linden alley, where he gave a bench and a table to be dug into the ground. He went there, loaded with books, after morning tea with such precision, as if a strict teacher was expecting him, and there, in complete solitude, he spent all the time until dinner, until three o'clock.
None of us went to that alley so as not to interfere with him.
Finishing his studies in the morning, in the afternoon he would go to the same corner with a book on social issues - so, I remember, reading Engels in German "The Condition of the Working Class in England." And then he takes a walk, takes a bath, and after evening tea a lamp is brought out on the porch so that mosquitoes do not come into the room - and again Volodin's head is bent over the book. But if intensive studies did not make Vladimir Ilyich a gloomy, bookish person in later years, then all the more did not make him so in his youth. In his free time, at dinner, walking, he usually joked and chatted, amusing all others, infecting others with his laughter.
Knowing how to work like no one else, he knew how to rest like no one else.
In Samara, there were, of course, fewer revolutionary-minded youth than in Kazan, a university city, but she was there too. In addition, there were elderly people, former exiles returning from Siberia, and supervised people. These latter were, of course, all the Narodnik and Narodnaya Volya trends. For them, Social Democracy was a new revolutionary trend; it seemed to them that there was no sufficient soil for it in Russia. In remote exiled places, in the uluses of Siberia, they could not follow those changes in social life, in the course of the development of our country, which took place without them and began to be created in large centers. And in the centers of representatives of the Social Democratic trend, which was started back in 1883 by the Emancipation of Labor group abroad, there were still few more - mainly young people.
This direction only made its way. The populists were still the pillars of social thought: Vorontsov (V.V.), Yuzhakov, Krivenko, and the ruler of thoughts was the critic and publicist Mikhailovsky, who had previously had close ties with the Narodnaya Volya. This latter, as is known, came out in 1894 with an open struggle against the Social Democrats in the most advanced magazine of that time, Russkoe Bogatstvo. To combat the established views, it was necessary, first of all, to arm ourselves with both theoretical knowledge - the study of Marx, and material for the application of this knowledge to Russian reality - the study of statistical studies of the development of our industry, our land tenure, etc. There were almost no generalizing works in this sense. : it was necessary to study the primary sources and build on the basis of their conclusions. Vladimir Ilyich undertook this great and untapped work in Samara.
Continuing a serious study of all the works of Marx and Engels (some of them, like The Poverty of Philosophy, were then available only on foreign languages), he got acquainted with all the works of the Narodniks and undertook statistical research to check them and to clarify the possibility of social democracy in Russia. New data from the Samara department of Istpart show us what big number Vladimir Ilyich borrowed books on these questions from the city library. Reading and studying, he wrote essays on what he read. One of such abstracts, which grew into a voluminous notebook, is his work on Postnikov's book "South Russian Peasant Economy" under the title "New Economic Movements in Peasant Life" 26.
As you know, in the south of Russia large-scale capitalist farming began to develop earlier than in the center and in the north — large agricultural economies arose there with a large number of landless laborers. Therefore, the position of agriculture in the south of Russia was especially interesting from the point of view of the direction in which our economy was developing. Postnikov, of course, was far from taking a revolutionary point of view, and Vladimir Ilyich left without considering his instructions for various reforms: he took factual material from him and drew his own conclusions from it.
This essay, like other previously written essays on the study of Marxism (for example, a summary of "The Poverty of Philosophy" and against the populists - V.V. (Vorontsov), Yuzhakov), was read by Vladimir Ilyich in local youth circles. Earlier than others, Vladimir Ilyich met in Samara with Vadim Andreevich Ionov, a friend of Mark Timofeevich Elizarov, my husband. Ionov was older than Vladimir Ilyich and took the Narodnaya Volya point of view. At that time, he was perhaps the most prominent figure among the Samara youth and was influential. Vladimir Ilyich gradually won him over to his side. Aleksey Pavlovich Sklyarenko (Popov), one-year-old of Vladimir Ilyich, immediately became his own. Around Sklyarenko, young people from seminarians, pupils of the paramedic school, were grouped. Vladimir Ilyich spoke in this circle, as well as in the Narodnik ones; in the latter, passionate debate took place. There were also many disputes during meetings and conversations with the old Narodnaya Volya members. Of these, Vladimir Ilyich most often saw Alexander Ivanovich Livanov, whom he greatly appreciated for his revolutionary temper.
Knowing how to take the best from everywhere, Vladimir Ilyich not only challenged the views of Livanov and other Narodnaya Volya members, he absorbed revolutionary skills from them, listened with interest and remembered stories about the methods of revolutionary struggle, about the methods of conspiracy, about the conditions of prison sitting, about relations from there; listened to stories about the trials of the Narodniks and Narodnaya Volya. They disposed very much to Alexander Ivanovich sensitivity and delicacy, the absence of that emphasis that you are young, they say, you are green, which was characteristic of many old people. The great courage and intransigence of Vladimir Ilyich seemed to most of the disputants only as young enthusiasm and excessive self-confidence. Both in the Samara years and later, he was not forgiven for sharp attacks on such recognized pillars of public opinion as Mikhailovsky, V.V., Kareev, etc. him as a very capable, but overly arrogant and harsh young man. Only in the circles of young people, future Social Democrats, did he enjoy unlimited respect. Vladimir Ilyich's essays on the works of V.V., Yuzhakov, Mikhailovsky, read in Samara circles, later underwent some processing, made up three notebooks under the general title "What are" friends of the people "and how do they fight against the Social Democrats?" One of these notebooks has not yet been found, while two others have been included in the Complete Collected Works of his works and, as rightly pointed out, already contain all the main foundations of the views he later developed, the foundations of Leninism.28
But in the Samara period, Vladimir Ilyich went through not only theoretical school. His life in this province so typical of the Russian peasantry gave him a lot of that knowledge and understanding of this social stratum, which so surprised all of us later. Both in the formulation of the agrarian part of our program and in the entire pre-revolutionary struggle, and in the building of our party after the victory, this knowledge played a huge role. And Vladimir Ilyich knew how to draw it from everywhere.
Sklyarenko served as a secretary to the magistrate Samoilov, an ideological and progressive man. Together with his patron, he had to go to the villages to analyze cases, receive peasants who came to the city with complaints, and thus receive valuable information about the situation of the peasantry in the district. He shared these observations with Vladimir Ilyich. Vladimir Ilyich talked on this issue with Samoilov himself and with other acquaintances who had many connections in the peasantry. But he drew most of the material from the stories of Mark Timofeevich Elizarov, who came from the peasants of the Samara province and retained a close relationship with his fellow villagers. He also talked with Mark Timofeevich's elder brother, Pavel Timofeevich. This was the so-called "strong" peasant who got rich by renting nearby appanage (that is, belonging to the royal house) lands and transferring them to the peasants. The most popular person in the village, he was constantly selected to the zemstvo vowels. Like all people of his type, he strove to round off capital, climbed into merchants, which he later achieved. I remember that I was amazed at how long, with what interest Volodya could talk with this semi-literate fist, alien to any kind of ideals, and only later did I realize that he had learned from him information about the situation of the peasants, about the stratification going on among them. , about the views and aspirations of this economic elite of the village. Contagiously, as always, he laughed at some of the merchant's stories, and the merchant was extremely pleased with the attention given to him and imbued with great respect for the mind of Vladimir Ilyich. But he could not understand that Volodya often laughs not at how cleverly the village merchants manage their affairs, but at the Narodniks, at their naive belief in the strength of the peasant way of life, in the strength of the community, in the ability to instill socialism in the peasants.
In these conversations, Ilyich's characteristic ability to talk with every public was manifested, to extract from every one what he needed; the ability not to break away from the soil, not to be crushed by theory, but to soberly peer into the life around him and sensitively listen to its sounds. In this ability to become a staunch follower of a well-known theory and at the same time soberly take into account all the features and all changes of the wave of life relentlessly beating around him, not for a minute to lose sight of the general principled line, and also not for a moment to break away from the native Russian soil, on which he stood - in this combination, as has already been indicated more than once, was the main source of Ilyich's strength and significance. But in his youth, behind lively chatter and jokes, behind carefree sounding laughter, hardly anyone would have noticed this source. He never spoke bookishly, did not impose his theory on anyone, he knew how to be a cheerful, ingenuous companion in his leisure hours, but he also knew how to use this leisure for sensitive listening to the life around him and choosing from it everything that was valuable and necessary for his path, for a task own life.
Vladimir Ilyich also borrowed a lot from direct communication with the peasants in Alakayevka, where he spent five summer seasons in a row, three to four months a year, as well as in the village of Bestuzhevka, where he traveled with Mark Timofeevich to the latter's relatives. But, getting acquainted in conversations with general provision peasants, Ilyich tried to learn more from them than he himself said - in any case, he did not express his convictions. And not only because he had to reckon with the supervised situation. No, he knew that the peasants could not be penetrated directly by revolution and socialism, that with this they had to go to another stratum, to the stratum of industrial workers; he saved himself for them. Every phrase was alien to him, and he knew that things would not have come out of a conversation with the peasants at that time.
Thus, the Lenin, who laid the foundations of the RCP (b) and led it to victory, and after victory, to building on these foundations, developed and grew imperceptibly in a provincial town and in the quiet of a secluded small farm.
The years of his life in Samara and even earlier a year in Kazan were only preparatory for his work, which then spread so widely. But these years were at the same time the most important, perhaps, years in the life of Vladimir Ilyich: at this time his revolutionary physiognomy took shape and took shape.
THE BEGINNING OF THE REVOLUTIONARY WORK OF VLADIMIR ILYICH ULYANOV (N. LENIN)
1. FROM SAMARA TO PETERSBURG
Vladimir Ilyich moved from Samara to St. Petersburg in the fall of 1893 30 with the aim of taking up revolutionary work. He passed the final exams at the university back in 1891. Samara could not give room for his activities, she gave too little food to his mind. The theoretical study of Marxism, which he could have taken in Samara, was already taken by him. [31]
Why did he not leave since the fall of 1892, when he had already finished his university course, why did he spend another year in Samara?
To this question I can answer: I was sitting for my mother.
I have already said in the description of his childhood and adolescence, what great authority, what ardent love our mother enjoyed on his part, as well as on the part of all of us. Everyone who knew her was amazed at the firmness with which she endured her heavy misfortunes - all the more the children felt it. The misfortune with the loss of her elder brother was out of the ordinary, and yet it did not suppress her, she showed so much willpower that, hiding, if possible, her tears and melancholy, she cared, as before, even more than before, about children, because after the death of her husband she alone had to take care of them.
She tried, as far as possible, not to darken their young life, to let them build their future, their happiness ... And she understood their revolutionary aspirations.
These worries were so amazing, the example that she showed to the children was so beautiful that they also wanted even more than before, to brighten up her life, to ease her grief. And in the year Vladimir Ilyich graduated from the university, a new misfortune befell the family: his sister Olga died of typhoid fever in St. Petersburg. Vladimir Ilyich arrived just then, in the spring, to pass the first half of his exams. He had to take his sister to the hospital (unfortunately, she was in a very bad one), then, when she became ill, call her mother by telegram. Vladimir Ilyich was alone with his mother in the first, most difficult days. He brought her home to Samara. He saw how her courage manifested itself with this new blow, her sensitivity to others above all.
Trying to overcome her grief, the mother nevertheless, of course, suffered greatly. Olga was a lovely girl with outstanding abilities and great energy.
In the fall of 1890, she went to St. Petersburg for the Higher Courses for Women. Neither in Kazan, nor even more so in Samara, there was no higher female institution, but she was passionately eager to learn. In the course, she stood out in the very first year with her knowledge, her ability to work, and her friends - Z. P. Nevzorova-Krzhizhanovskaya, Torgonskaya, the late A. A. Yakubova - spoke of her as an outstanding girl who was the center of their course. With everything that was unclear or incomprehensible, her friends went to her, and she hurt herself by explaining to them in chemistry and other subjects for the exams that had begun, already sick. She also looked for ways for social work, and she would undoubtedly have emerged as an outstanding and devoted revolutionary. After her loss, one thing could alleviate the mother's grief: the closeness of the other children to her. And Volodya stayed at home for another year in Samara.
But by the end of this last winter, he was sometimes quite bored, striving for a more lively center, for room for revolutionary work: Samara in those years was, as it were, a station from Siberia, from a real exile, to the centers of mental life, which were the capitals and university cities.
Remained in my memory of a conversation with Volodya about the new story by A. Chekhov that appeared that winter in one of the magazines "Ward No. 6". Speaking about the talent of this story, about the strong impression he made - Volodya loved Chekhov in general, - he best defined this impression in the following words: “When I finished reading this story last night, I felt downright creepy, I could not my room, I got up and went out. I had the feeling that I was also locked up in ward No. 6. " It was late in the evening, everyone had gone to their corners or were already asleep. He had no one to talk to.
These words of Volodya lifted the curtain over his state of mind for me: for him Samara had already become such a "Ward No. 6", he was torn out of it almost the same way as the unfortunate patient Chekhov. And he firmly decided that he would leave her next fall. But he did not want to settle in Moscow, where our whole family went together with our younger brother Mitya, who was entering Moscow University. He decided to settle in a more lively, intellectual and revolutionary center - St. Petersburg. At that time, the residents of St. Petersburg called Moscow a big village, in those years there was still a lot of provincial things, and Volodya was already fed up, he was fed up with the provinces. Yes, probably, his intention to look for connections among the workers, to take up revolutionary work, made him also prefer to settle on his own, not in a family, the rest of whose members he could compromise.
In late autumn, after settling in Moscow, my mother and I went to St. Petersburg to visit Volodya. The mother had a special goal in this: to buy him a winter coat. Volodya was always very impractical in everyday everyday things - he did not know how and did not like to buy something for himself, and usually even later this task was taken on by his mother or me. In this he completely resembled his father, whom his mother always ordered suits, chose the material for them and who, like Volodya, was extremely indifferent to what to wear, got used to things and, on his own initiative, would never seem to change them. Volodya was all about his father in this, as well as in many other things.
2. NEW DATING AND CONNECTIONS
Upon arrival in St. Petersburg, Vladimir Ilyich began to make acquaintances little by little, cautiously: he knew that the government looked at him biasedly, as at his brother Alexander Ilyich, he saw how often young people flew in for careless chatter, without having time to do anything. Any chatter and phrase-mongering was alien to him: he wanted to carry his knowledge, his work to the layer that he knew would make the revolution, the layer of workers. He was looking for acquaintances with people who shared his views, who believed that the revolution could be expected not from the peasantry, supposedly socialist-minded, supposedly sharing the communist beliefs and skills of their ancestors, and not from representatives of the intelligentsia - selfless, ready to go to death, but lonely. He was looking for those who knew as firmly as he did that the revolution in Russia would be carried out by the working class or not at all (words of Plekhanov). Such people, the Social Democrats, were then a minority. Most of the revolutionary-minded educated people adhered to Narodnik and Narodnaya Volya views, but since the organization had already been destroyed, there was nothing to do, very few people showed themselves actively, but there was more talk and hype. Vladimir Ilyich tried to stay away from this intellectual chatter. The police and the authorities considered then also more dangerous than the representatives of Narodnaya Volya, going to violence, bringing death for others and putting their lives at stake. Compared to them, the Social Democrats, who set themselves the goal of peaceful propaganda among the workers, seemed to be of little danger. “A small handful, but what will happen sometime in fifty years,” said the director of the police department Zvolyansky.
This was approximately the same view of the Social Democrats and in society. If such a leader of the minds of that time, like Mikhailovsky, did not understand Marx's views so much that he did not see - or glossed over - the revolutionary significance of them, then what could be expected from broad strata. Almost no one read Marx, the idea of the Social Democrats was mainly due to their legal parliamentary activities in Germany. There was no scent of parliament in Russia at that time, so it seemed to the impatient young people eager for revolutionary work that Russian Social-Democrats were simply choosing a quiet lot for themselves: honoring Marx, wait for the dawn of freedom to rise over Russia. It seemed to them that the objectivism of Marx was simply covering up sluggishness, senile rationality in the best sense, and at worst, selfish interests. This was the view of the Russian disciples of Marx by the authoritative for young people old revolutionaries who were returning from hard labor and exile. Their youth was an ardent and impudent impulse of struggle against the omnipotent autocracy, they, heading to the people, threw books, spat on diplomas ... And they looked with longing and incomprehension at the new, not young respectable youth, who considered it possible to overshadow themselves with fat volumes of scientific books at a time when nothing had moved in the foundations of autocracy and the situation of the people was still deplorable. They saw in this some kind of coldness. They were ready to apply Nekrasov's words to these youth:
There will be no worthy citizen To the homeland, a cold soul. There is no bitter reproach to him ...
Each time makes its own demands, and it usually happens that the representatives of the old generation have a poor understanding of the ideals and aspirations of the young, who began to think under changed social conditions. And if the political conditions in Russia remained the same, then the economic ones began to change dramatically: capitalism conquered ever larger areas, it became more and more certain that the course of development would proceed in our country in the same way as in the West, that the leader of the revolution would be in our country as well as there. proletariat. And to the adherents of the old, populist views, who did not understand that the point here was not someone's indifference and someone's evil will, that such was the course of development and that no selfless impulse could do anything against it, it seemed that the Marxists, blindly walking on the way of the West, they want to boil all the peasants in a factory boiler. The peasants, in their opinion, were inherent in communist views, with which they could pass the difficult path through capitalism, which, especially in its first stage, carries innumerable calamities and sufferings for the people. "It would be better without capitalism," they said through the lips of V.V. (Vorontsov), Yuzhakov and other populists, and tried to find evidence that this "would be better" possible. They were indignant at the Marxists, as a person who does not understand the need for any operation is indignant, at the coldness and dryness of a doctor who calmly exposes the patient to all the suffering associated with it, without trying to do "better" without them.
This kind-hearted "better without capitalism" Vladimir Ilyich ridiculed very venomously both in his oral speeches at that period, and in his first works, devoted mainly to criticism of Narodism. We refer the reader to the already mentioned essay of his "What are the" friends of the people "...", which gives the best idea of the views of Ilyich in that period and which in notebooks reprinted then on a mimeograph was read to the holes by young people.
Even earlier than these notebooks appeared - in the winter of 1893, Vladimir Ilyich opposed the populists in Moscow. It was during the Christmas holidays when he came to visit us. On holidays, parties were usually held. So here, at one party with conversations in a student apartment, Vladimir Ilyich spoke out against the populists. Here he had to grapple mainly with the famous populist writer V.V. (Vorontsov) 33. Without meeting V.V. in person, Vladimir Ilyich did not know whom he was opposing, and then he even got angry with his acquaintance, 34 who had brought him to this party, that she did not tell him who his opponent was. He performed with his characteristic magnificent courage, fully armed with his knowledge and with all the power of conviction, concentrating all the interest of the party on himself. To the opposing side, the insolence of the unknown young man seemed excessive; all Marxist-minded young people were terribly happy with the unexpected support and regretted that, having reprimanded V.V., the stranger quickly slipped away from the party. And Vladimir Ilyich scolded himself later that, infuriated by the authority with which V.V. expressed his outdated views, he allowed himself to be challenged in a non-conspiratorial setting. But this party got off safely: at the holidays the police in Moscow liked to celebrate, and then nobody knew the name of Ilyich, they called him "Petersburger". The significance of his speech for the Moscow youth was great: it explained a lot to the young Marxists, it gave them support, pushed them forward.
And in St. Petersburg that winter, Vladimir Ilyich had few acquaintances. He became friends with a circle of technologists grouped around the Krasin brothers, with whom he contacted through Nizhny Novgorod, then met several class-conscious and active workers, such as Babushkin (who was shot after the 1905 revolution in Siberia 35) and V. A. Shelgunov, who had long been blind. who even now speaks in Moscow with his memoirs 36. He met some legal Marxist writers, such as P. B. Struve and A. N. Potresov, with whom he was brought together by the common struggle against the Narodniks. Potresov, however, was his closest friend and later, at work at Iskra, right up to the split at the Second Congress in 1903. But while directing blows against the Narodniks together with Struve, Vladimir Ilyich, earlier than others, sensed in him the alien strings of a non-revolutionary who did not draw all the conclusions from Marx's teachings and stopped at purely legal, professorial, bourgeois Marxism. He sensed in him a future cadet and at the same time hotly attacked this harmful deviation in an article under the pseudonym K. Tulin published in the collection Materials for a Characterization of Our Economic Development, published by Potresov in 1895. This collection did not manage to slip through the censorship, like Plekhanov's previously published book under the pseudonym Beltov "On the development of a monistic view of history." The ingenious title saved Plekhanov's book, which contained fierce attacks on the Narodniks and definitely expressed the point of view of the revolutionary Marxists. And the collection of "Materials", despite several dry articles teeming with numbers, flew behind Tulin's article and was burned. It was possible to save only a few copies, and therefore few read the article by Vladimir Ilch.
Thus, the censorship quickly made out the difference between revolutionary Marxism - Social Democracy - and legal Marxism. Some of the populist-revolutionaries also began to understand this difference, began to notice that their opponents, the Social Democrats, are also revolutionaries and that they should not be lumped together with the “legal Marxists” who, establishing the fact that Russia “is going to learn to capitalism "(epigraph to Struve's book" Critical Notes on the Question of economic development Russia ”), no conclusion is drawn from this in terms of the need to fight the existing system. Some of the young Narodnaya Volya members, who did not recognize the importance of our community (we saw in one of the previous chapters that Alexander Ilyich and his comrades did not recognize it in 1887), began to approach the Social Democrats, making sure that they not only did not against the political struggle, but put it on their banner. Thus, the Narodnaya Volya members, who had their own printing house in St. Petersburg (Lakhtinskaya Printing House), themselves invited the Social Democrats to print their leaflets and brochures, believing that the difference between the two directions is only that the Social Democrats appeal to the workers, and not to other classes of society. but that their direction is also revolutionary. Many of Vladimir Ilyich's leaflets and his brochure On Fines 39 were printed at the Lakhtinskaya Printing House; the second, On Strikes, was taken there during the arrest of the printing house and perished.
But that was already later. The summer of 1894 - after the first winter in St. Petersburg - Vladimir Ilyich spent with us near Moscow, in Kuzminki, not far from the Lyublino station of the Kursk railway. He lived quite secluded and studied a lot. For recreation, he walked with his younger brother and sister around the neighborhood and laid the foundations of the social democratic doctrine in them. Of the Moscow Social Democrats, I saw Mitskevich, whom I had met even earlier in Nizhny Novgorod, with Ganshin and the Maslennikov brothers. These comrades undertook to print his notebooks "What are the" friends of the people "...", which appeared in the fall of 1894 in Moscow and St. Petersburg, reproduced on a mimeograph. [40]
I remember that I did not have time to read his notebook about Mikhailovsky in the manuscript and was looking for it later in Moscow.
It was not so easy, because Mikhailovsky's speech against the Social Democrats angered many, and in Moscow there were several handwritten or home-grown printed answers to him. Legally, these answers could not be published, this was what indignant against Mikhailovsky, that he attacks and rivets on people whose mouths are clamped. They began to tell me about two or three answers and, characterizing them, they said: "One is more thorough, only expressions are already very unacceptable." - "And what, for example?" - I asked lively. "Yes, for example, Mikhailovsky sat in a puddle." “This one, please, get it for me,” I said, deciding quite definitely that this one should have belonged to Volodya's pen. And then we laughed with him about the attribute by which I unmistakably identified his work.
3. FIGHT WITH "ECONOMISTS"
In addition to the populists and "legal Marxists", Vladimir Ilyich had to fight with the so-called "economists". This was a trend that denied the need for a political struggle on the part of the workers and agitation for such in the masses of the workers. It stemmed from a healthy and natural desire to approach workers, politically completely undeveloped, who still retained their faith in the tsar in the masses, from the point of view of their daily needs and requirements. It was about the first steps in these masses, which had to be awakened, in which it was necessary to develop aspirations to protect their dignity, the consciousness that salvation can only be sought in unification, in unity, and to promote this unity. And it was possible to unite only on immediate, obvious needs - first of all, on a protest against oppression by the owners. So, the call to rebel against the excessively lengthening working hours, reduced by various fraudulent earnings, the call to demand boiling water at lunchtime, an earlier end of work on Saturday in order to use the bathhouse, the abolition of unfair fines, the removal of rude, arrogant craftsmen, etc. . was understood by the most gray, undeveloped workers.
Uniting for such everyday needs, they learned to fight together, amicably, steadfastly, to defend common interests, and success in this struggle made them feel their strength and united them even more. The success of the first strikes — and the smaller and more just the demands put forward, the easier they were to be satisfied — inspired and pushed forward more strongly than any agitation. The obtained improvements in the situation gave more leisure and the opportunity to read, to develop further. Therefore, all the Social Democrats who went to the masses of the workers began their agitation with economic needs. And Vladimir Ilyich's leaflets pointed to the most urgent demands of the workers of this or that plant or factory, making a great impression by this. If the owners did not agree to peacefully satisfy the workers' demands, it was recommended to resort to a strike. The success of a strike in one enterprise prompted others to use this method of struggle.
That time was the time of transition from classes in small circles - propaganda, to work among the masses - agitation. And Vladimir Ilyich was one of those who stood for such a transition. The difference between propaganda and agitation was perhaps best defined by Plekhanov's words: "Propaganda gives many ideas to a small circle of people, and agitation gives one idea to the masses."
But if the first approach to completely undeveloped workers had to necessarily come from immediate economic needs, then no one from the very beginning spoke more definitely than Vladimir Ilyich that this should be only an initial stage, that political consciousness should develop from the very first conversations and from the first leaves ... I remember a conversation with him about this in the late autumn of 1895, shortly before his arrest, when I returned to visit him in Petersburg.
“How to approach with conversations about politics to the gray workers, for whom the tsar is the second god, who even take the sheets with economic demands with fear and glance? This would not alienate them, ”I said, referring to the even grayer Moscow workers.
Vladimir Ilyich pointed out to me then that it was all about the approach.
“Of course, if you immediately speak against the tsar and the existing system, it will only alienate the workers. But after all, "politics" intertwines all everyday life... The rudeness and tyranny of the police officers, the bailiff, the gendarme and their intervention in case of any disagreement with the owner is necessarily in the interests of the latter, the attitude of all those in power to the strikes - all this quickly shows which side they are on. It is only necessary to note this every time in leaflets, in articles, to indicate the role of the local police officer or gendarme, and there the thought gradually directed in this direction will go further. It is important only to emphasize this from the very beginning, not to give rise to the illusion that one can achieve something by fighting the manufacturers alone ”. “For example,” said Vladimir Ilyich, “a new law on workers has come out (I don’t remember exactly what it concerned now. - L.), it should be clarified, it should be shown how much something is being done here for the workers and how much for the factory owners. And so in the newspaper that we publish, we publish the editorial article "What are our ministers thinking?" 42, which will show the workers what our legislation is, whose interests it protects. We are deliberately talking about the ministers, not the king. But this article will be political, and this must be the editorial of each issue, so that the newspaper fosters the political consciousness of the workers. " This article, which belongs to the pen of Vladimir Ilyich, was indeed included in the first issue of Rabochaya Gazeta, which did not see the light of day, and was taken away, as is known, when Volodya and his comrades were arrested on December 9, 1895. I read it, as well as other material for the first issue of Rabochaya Gazeta, which was being prepared at that time. The issue of the issue on the mimeograph was cumbersome and had to be prepared for a long time. I remember how the minister was venomously pissed in this article and how popular and combative it was.
I am talking about this in such detail to indicate how wrong many people who were then leaning towards "Economism" were, who later justified themselves by the fact that Vladimir Ilyich also wrote leaflets on economic topics at that time. The arrest of a newspaper issue with a political editorial in a manuscript and the subsequent seizure of Vladimir Ilyich for more than four years provided some ground for such justifications, although during a short stay at liberty before exile, and from prison and from exile, Vladimir Ilyich manifested himself in this respect quite definitely so that you can not blame him for "economism". Suffice it to recall at least his protest from exile against Kuskov's "Credo" 43.
This bright political trend was inherent in Ilyich from the very beginning, it flowed from the correctly understood teachings of Marx, it was also in accordance with the views of the ancestor of Russian Social Democracy - the Emancipation of Labor group, its founder, Plekhanov. Vladimir Ilyich knew his views well from his literary works, and in addition, in the summer of 1895, when he traveled abroad, he personally met him. The official goal was to rest and heal after pneumonia, and the unofficial goal was to establish relations with the Emancipation of Labor group.
Vladimir Ilyich was very pleased with his trip, and she had for him great importance... Plekhanov always enjoyed great prestige in his eyes; he became very close to Axelrod then; on his return, he said that relations with Plekhanov had been established, although good, but rather distant, with Axelrod, however, very close and friendly. Vladimir Ilyich treasured the opinion of both. Later, from exile, he sent them his brochure "The Tasks of the Social Democrats in Russia" for publication.44 valuable that I can imagine. " And after meeting with them, he embarked on the path of organizing a political party of Social Democrats in Russia even more clearly and energetically.
Upon his return from abroad, Vladimir Ilyich visited us in Moscow and talked a lot about his trip and conversations, he was especially pleased, lively, I would even say - radiant. The latter came mainly from luck on the border with the smuggling of illegal literature.
Knowing that, due to his marital status, they look at him especially severely, Vladimir Ilyich did not intend to take anything illegal with him, but he could not stand it abroad, the temptation was too strong, and he took a suitcase with a double bottom. This was the usual way of transporting illegal literature at the time; it fit between two bottoms. The work was carried out in overseas workshops cleanly and accurately, but this method was nevertheless very well known to the police - all the hope was that they would not examine every suitcase. But now, during the customs inspection, Vladimir Ilyich's suitcase was turned upside down and, in addition, snapped along the bottom. Knowing that experienced border officials thus determine the presence of a second bottom, Vladimir Ilyich decided, as he told us, that he flew in. The fact that he was safely released and handed over his suitcase in St. Petersburg, where the latter was also safely gutted, put him in a great mood, with which he came to us in Moscow.
4. MONITORING AND ARREST
It is quite possible, of course, that Vladimir Ilyich was not mistaken, that the hidden content was actually discovered, but, as was the practice, the person who flew in was not arrested immediately in order to trace a number of persons who accepted the literature and disseminate it, and thus create a big business.
By the fall of 1895, Vladimir Ilyich was closely watched. He told me about this when I mentioned my visit to him in the late autumn of this year. He said that, in the event of his arrest, not to let his mother into St. Petersburg, for whom going to different institutions with troubles about him was especially painful, since it was associated with memories of the same going for the eldest son. On that visit, I met with my brother VA Shelgunov, then still a young, healthy worker.
Vladimir Ilyich told me several cases of how he ran away from the spies. His eyesight was good, his legs were agile, and his stories, which he conveyed very vividly, with a cheerful laugh, were, I remember, very funny. I especially remember one case. The spy persistently pursued Vladimir Ilyich, who did not want to bring him to the apartment where he was going, and could not get rid of it either. Tracking down this unwanted companion, Ilyich found him in the deep gates of the St. Petersburg house. Then, quickly passing the gate, he ran into the entrance of the same house and watched from there with pleasure as the pursuer, who had jumped out of his ambush and had lost him, darted about.
“I sat down,” he said, “on the doorman’s chair, from where I could not be seen, and through the glass I could observe everything, and made fun of him, looking at his predicament; and some man descending the stairs looked with surprise at the doorman sitting in the chair and rolling with laughter. "
But if, with dexterity, it was sometimes possible to escape from persecution, nevertheless, the police, janitors (who were then the house police) and packs of spies were stronger. And they finally tracked down Vladimir Ilyich and his comrades, who had to carry out a small group of various unresolved cases: to meet at conspiratorial meetings, where it was very tricky not to bring a spy to anyone, to visit workers' apartments, which were noticeable and followed, to obtain and transfer illegal literature, write, reprint and distribute leaflets, etc. The division of labor was small, for there were few workers, and therefore each quickly attracted the attention of the police. And then, besides the street bloodhounds, there were also provocateurs, who were rubbing themselves into the circles under the guise of "theirs"; such was the dentist Mikhailov at that time, who, although not a member of the circle where Vladimir Ilyich worked, had information about other circles as well. Such provocateurs were also planted in workers' circles, and besides, the workers of that time were naive and easily fell for the bait. With illegal work, people did not "live" at that time for long: only in the fall of 1895 it began to develop, and on December 9, Vladimir Ilyich and most of his comrades were "confiscated".
And so the first period of Vladimir Ilyich's activity ended with the doors of the prison. But in these two and a half years, a great stage has been passed both by him personally and by our Social Democratic movement. Over the years, Vladimir Ilyich fought decisive battles with the Narodniks, he revealed quite definitely his revolutionary Marxist essence, dissociating himself from various deviations, he made contact with a group of founders of Marxism abroad. But more importantly, he began practical work, he made contact with the workers, he acted as the leader and organizer of the party in those years when the possibility of its emergence under the conditions of Russia at that time was still considered doubtful. And although it was created (1st party congress) already without him, when he was in exile, it was created under his pressure, and after he laid the first political organization of social democracy in St. Petersburg, the first political body was planned, the first large - for the whole of St. Petersburg and Moscow - strikes.
Vi. VLADIMIR ILYICH IN PRISON
Vladimir Ilyich was arrested, exhausted by the nervous hustle and bustle of recent work and not entirely healthy. The famous "security" card from 1895 gives an idea of his condition.
After the first interrogation, he sent Nadezhda Konstantinovna Krupskaya to us in Moscow with an assignment. In an encrypted letter, he asked her to urgently warn us that, when asked where the suitcase he had brought from abroad, he said that he had left it with us, in Moscow.
"Let them buy a similar one, point to mine ... Hurry, otherwise they will be arrested." This is how his message sounded, which I remembered well, since I had to buy and bring home a suitcase with various precautions, regarding appearance which Nadezhda Konstantinovna said something very vague and which, of course, turned out to be completely different from the one brought from abroad, with a double bottom. So that the suitcase does not look brand new, I took it with me to St. Petersburg when I went to visit my brother and learn about his case.
At first in St. Petersburg, in all negotiations with comrades, in exchanging a code with my brother and in personal conversations with him on dates, this suitcase played such a big role that I turned my back on the streets from the windows of shops where this object, which had become so insane to me, was exhibited: to see he could not calmly. But although he was hinted at during the first interrogation, no end was found with him, and this accusation, as often happened, was drowned in others, about which more irrefutable evidence was found.
Thus, the community and relations with a number of persons arrested at the same time were proved, and one of them, Vaneev, was taken from a handwritten number of the illegal "Rabochaya Gazeta"; communication with the workers in the circles with whom - beyond the Nevskaya Zastava - Vladimir Ilyich was engaged was proved. In short, there was enough evidence to start a gendarme investigation.
The second person who came to us in Moscow after the arrest of his brother was Mikhail Aleksandrovich Silvin, a surviving member of his circle; he told about a letter received from Vladimir Ilyich from prison to the name of the acquaintance with whom he had a meal. In this first large letter from prison, Vladimir Ipich developed a plan for the work he wanted to do there - preparing material for his planned book "Development of Capitalism in Russia" 37. The serious tone of a long letter with a long list of scientific books and statistical collections attached to it skillfully disguised his secret goals, and the letter arrived unhindered, without any blots. And yet Vladimir Ilyich, in this letter, neither more nor less than asked his comrades about who was arrested with him; asked without any preliminary agreement, but in such a way that the comrades understood and answered him immediately, and the vigilant argus did not suspect anything.
"In the very first letter Vladimir Ilyich asked us about those arrested," Silvin told me with admiration, "and we answered him."
Unfortunately, only the first part of the letter has survived, 48 there is no list of books attached to it: apparently, he got stuck and got lost in the process of searching for them. Most of the books listed were really needed by Vladimir Ilyich for his work, so the letter hit two birds with one stone and, contrary to the well-known proverb, got into both. I can only reconstruct from memory some of the titles with which Vladimir Ilyich, skillfully weaving them into his list, asked about the fate of his comrades. These titles were accompanied by a question mark, with which the author denoted the alleged inaccuracy of the title of the book quoted from memory, and which in fact noted that in this case he was not asking for a book, but asking. He asked, using the nicknames of his comrades. Some of them were very close to the nature of the books he needed, and the request could not pay attention. So, about Vasily Vasilyevich Starkov, he asked: “V. B. The fate of capitalism in Russia ”. Starkov was called Vevey. About Nizhny Novgorod residents - Vaneev and Silvin, who bore the nicknames Minin and Pozharsky, the request should have already stopped the more attentive controller of the prisoners' letters, since the book did not relate to the topic of the proposed work - it was Kostomarov "Heroes of the Time of Troubles". Still, it was a scientific, historical book, and, of course, to demand that those looking through the piles of letters to examine such a discrepancy would be to demand from them too much discernment. However, not all the nicknames fit so comparatively conveniently into the framework of the titles of scientific books, and one of the next, interspersed, of course, a number of books really needed for work was Brem's book "On Small Rodents." Here the question mark was asking with certainty for the comrades about the fate of Krzhizhanovsky, who bore the nickname Gopher. In the same way, in English, the title written in English: Mayne Rid "The Mynoga" - meant Nadezhda Konstantinovna Krupskaya, baptized by the pseudonym "Fish" or "Lamprey". These names could seem to have caught the attention of the censors, but the serious tone of the letter, a lot of the listed books, and in addition, the prudent phrase, standing somewhere in the second (lost) sheet: "The variety of books should serve as a correction to the monotony of the situation", lull their vigilance ...
Unfortunately, only these few titles have survived in my memory, about which we once laughed a lot. I also remember only "Goutchoul" or "Goutchioule", a deliberately complex French spelling written surname fantastic author some kind of historical book (I don't remember its name anymore). This was supposed to mean Hutsul, that is, Zaporozhets. I also remember that about "Heroes of the Time of Troubles" Sylvin said that they replied: "The library contains only volume I of the composition," that is, only Vaneev was arrested, not Sylvin.
Vladimir Ilyich was sent to the Pre-trial Detention House, which was briefly called the "pre-chamber". It was a strip of rather favorable seating conditions. Visits were usually allowed a month after the arrest and twice a week: one personal, the other general, behind bars. The first, in the presence of the warden, lasted half an hour; the second - a whole hour. At the same time, the guards walked back and forth - one behind the cage with an iron grate into which the prisoners were introduced, the other behind the backs of the visitors. In view of the great hubbub that stood these days, and the general fatigue that he had to cause in the warders, as well as their low mental development, it was possible, with some tricks, to talk about almost everything during these meetings. Food transfers were taken three times a week, books twice. At the same time, the books were not looked through by gendarmes, but by officials of the prosecutor of the court located in the house nearby, and this viewing, with the mass of books brought in, was probably in most cases a simple formality. Books were allowed to pass fairly broadly, without large exceptions; even monthly magazines were allowed, and then weekly. Thus, there was no separation from life - one of the most difficult aspects of solitary confinement. The pre-school library was also quite rich, which consisted of various donations, so that many comrades, especially from the workers, seriously supplemented their education in it.
Vladimir Ilyich, getting better for a long sitting, waiting for a distant exile after him, decided to use during this time the St. Petersburg libraries to collect material for his planned work - "The Development of Capitalism in Russia." He sent in letters long lists of scientific books, statistical collections, which he got from the Academy of Sciences, university and other libraries. My mother and I lived most of Vladimir Ilyich's imprisonment in St. Petersburg, and I had to carry him whole piles of books that littered one corner of his cell. Later, on this side, the conditions became more severe: the number of books given to the prisoner in the cell was strictly and sparingly determined. At the same time, Ilyich could leisurely make extracts from statistical collections and, in addition, have other - scientific, fictional - books in Russian and foreign languages.
The abundance of books passed on favored our intercourse through them. Vladimir Ilyich taught me, while still at liberty, the basics of encrypted correspondence, and we corresponded with him very actively, putting subtle dots or dashes in the letters and marking the book and the page of the letter with a conventional sign.
Well, we messed up with this correspondence a lot! But she made it possible to communicate, convey something necessary, conspiratorial, and therefore was invaluable. Under her, the thickest walls and the strictest senior supervision could not interfere with our negotiations. But we wrote, of course, not only about the essentials. I conveyed news to him from outside, what was inconvenient, with all the disguise, to say on a date. He gave instructions of the same kind, asked to give something to his comrades, made contacts with them, corresponded with books from the prison library; he asked me to convey to which board in the cage, in which they were allowed to walk, a note was stuck with black bread for one or the other of them. He was very concerned about his comrades: he wrote encouraging letters to someone who, as he heard, was nervous; asked to get some books; arrange a date with those who did not have one. These worries took a lot of time from him and from us. His inexhaustible, cheerful mood and humor supported the spirit of his comrades.
Fortunately for Ilyich, the conditions of imprisonment were favorable for him, one might say. Of course, he lost weight and, mainly, turned yellow by the end of his sitting, but even his stomach - about which he consulted abroad with a well-known Swiss specialist - was in better condition during the year in prison than in the previous year in freedom. His mother cooked and brought him parcels three times a week, guided by the diet prescribed by him by the specialist; in addition, he had a paid lunch and milk. Obviously, regular life in this Russian "sanatorium" also had a favorable effect, a life that, of course, there was nothing to think about amid the nervous rush of illegal work.
The meetings with him were very informative and interesting. You could especially chat a lot on dates behind bars. We spoke in hints, including foreign names for such inconvenient words as "strike", "leaflet." You used to pick up news and get sophisticated in how to convey them. And my brother was sophisticated how to convey his own, to ask. And how cheerfully we both laughed when we managed to communicate or understand something so confusing. In general, our meetings bore the form of carefree lively chatter, but in reality the thought was tense all the time: it was necessary to be able to convey, to be able to understand, not to forget all the instructions. I remember once we got too carried away with foreign terms, and the warden behind Vladimir Ilyich's back said sternly:
You cannot speak foreign languages, only Russian.
You can't, - said with lively, turning to him, brother, - well, then I will speak Russian. So, tell this golden man ... - he continued his conversation with me.
I nodded my head with a laugh: “the golden man” was supposed to mean Goldman, that is, they were not ordered to use foreign words, so Volodya translated German into Russian so that it was impossible to understand who he was calling.
In short, Vladimir Ilyich showed his everlasting energy even in prison. He managed to arrange his life in such a way that the whole day was filled. Mostly, of course, scientific work... Extensive material for The Development of Capitalism was collected in prison. Vladimir Ilyich was in a hurry with this. Once, by the end of the sitting, I informed him that the case, according to rumors, would soon be over, he exclaimed: "It's too early, I haven't had time to collect all the material yet."
But even this great work was not enough for him. He wanted to take part in the illegal, revolutionary life, which was then in full swing. This summer (1896) there were major textile workers' strikes in St. Petersburg, which then spread to Moscow, strikes that created an era in the revolutionary movement of the proletariat. It is known what a commotion these strikes created in government circles, how the tsar was afraid as a result of them to return to St. Petersburg from the south. Everything in the city was boiling and seething. The mood was extremely cheerful and uplifting. The year of the coronation of Nicholas II with his famous Khodynka 49 was marked by the first tentative demonstration of the workers of the two main centers, as if the first, ominous for tsarist march of workers' legs, not yet political, it is true, but already closely united and massive. It is difficult for the younger comrades to appreciate and imagine all this now, but for us, after the heavy oppression of the 80s, with the molested existence and conversations in the closets, this strike was a tremendous event. Before us, as it were, “the shutters of a deep dungeon were thrown open into the distance and the splendor of a radiant day,” as if the image of the labor movement with which the revolution could and should have triumphed appeared through the haze of the coming labor movement. And Social Democracy, from the theory of books, from the distant utopia of some Marxist literary scholars, acquired flesh and blood, acted as a vital force both for the proletariat and for other strata of society. A window of some kind opened in the stuffy and stale casemate of the Russian autocracy, and we all eagerly breathed in the fresh air and felt as vigorous and energetic as ever.
The "Union of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class," as the union founded by Vladimir Ilyich was named after the arrest of Vladimir Ilyich, became more and more popular. One after another, the enterprises approached him with a request to issue leaflets for them as well. They also sent complaints: "Why did the union forget us?" Leaflets were also required general, first of all May Day. The comrades at large regretted that Vladimir Ilyich could not write them. And he himself wanted to write them. In addition, he already had themes outlined for brochures, such as On Strikes.
He was busy with the question of the program. And so he began to try to write illegal things in prison. It was, of course, impossible to transmit them in cipher. It was necessary to apply the method of imperceptible, already manifested at will of the letter. And, remembering a child's play, Vladimir Ilyich began to write with milk between the lines of the book, which should have been manifested by heating on a lamp. For this he made himself tiny inkpots of black bread, so that he could swallow them if he heard a rustle at the door, peeping into a top. And he told, laughing, that one day he was so unlucky that he had to swallow as many as six inkwells 50.
I remember that in those years, both before and after prison, Ilyich liked to say: "There is no such cunning that could not be outsmarted." And in prison he practiced this with his characteristic resourcefulness. He wrote leaflets from prison, wrote a brochure "On Strikes", which was taken away during the arrest of the Lakhtinskaya Printing House (it was developed and copied by Nadezhda Konstantinovna). Then he wrote the party program and a rather detailed "explanatory note" to it, which I copied out in part after the arrest of Nadezhda Konstantinovna. This program also did not see the light of day: it was transferred by me at the end of A. N. Potresov and after his arrest it was destroyed by someone to whom he gave it for safekeeping 51. In addition to work, I inherited from Nadezhda Konstantinovna a secret repository of illegalities - a small round table, which, in Ilyich's opinion, was arranged for him by one of his fellow carpenters. The lower chiseled button, somewhat more than usual, of the thick single leg of the table was unscrewed, and a decent bundle could be inserted into the hollowed out recess. By nightfall, I hid the rewritten part of the work there, and carefully destroyed the original - the pages warmed up on the lamp. This table rendered important services: it was not opened during searches of both Vladimir Ilyich and Nadezhda Konstantinovna's; the last part of the program, rewritten, survived and was handed over to me along with the table by Nadezhda Konstantinovna's mother. His appearance did not inspire suspicion, and only later, after frequent unscrewing of the button, the cuts were erased, and she began to lag behind.
First, Vladimir Ilyich carefully destroyed the drafts of leaflets and other illegal works after correspondence with milk, and then, using his reputation as a scientific worker, he began to leave them in sheets of statistical and other extracts strung in his beaded handwriting. For example, such a thing as a detailed explanatory note to a program could not have been destroyed in draft form: it could not have been rewritten in one day; and then Ilyich, pondering it, constantly made corrections and additions. And so, once on a date, he told me with his characteristic humor, how, at the next search in his cell, a gendarme officer, flipping through a heap of books, tables and extracts piled in the corner, got off with a joke: "It's too hot today to do statistics." My brother told me then that he wasn’t particularly worried: “I wouldn’t find it in such a heap,” and then added with a laugh: “I am in a better position than other citizens of the Russian Empire - they cannot take me.” He laughed, but of course I was worried, asked him to be more careful and pointed out that if they couldn't take him, then the punishment, of course, would be greatly increased if he was caught; that they can give hard labor for such insolence as writing illegal things in prison.
And so I always anxiously awaited the return of a book with a chemical message from him. With particular nervousness I waited for the return of one book: I remember, with an explanatory note to the program, which, I knew, was completely written between the lines with milk. I was afraid that when the prison administration examined it, something suspicious would be found, so that after a long delay the letters would not come out - as happened sometimes if the consistency of the milk was too thick - on their own. And, as if on purpose, the books were not given to me on time. All the other relatives of the inmates received the books on Thursday, which were handed in on the same day, and the warden told me briefly: “You don’t,” while at the meeting I had just left, my brother said that he had returned the books. This delay, which had occurred for the first time, made me assume that Ilyich had been caught; the always gloomy countenance of the warden who issued the books seemed especially gloomy. Of course, it was impossible to insist, and I spent a painful day until the next day, when the books, including the book with the program, were handed over to me.
It happened that my brother sounded the alarm for free. In the winter of 1896, after some arrests (almost after the arrest of Potresov), I happened to be late for a date, came to the last shift, which I usually did not do; Vladimir Ilyich decided that I was arrested and destroyed some draft he had prepared.
But such disturbances occurred only occasionally, on such exceptional occasions as new arrests; in general, Ilyich was strikingly even, self-possessed and cheerful on dates, and with his infectious laugh dispelled our anxiety.
All of us - relatives of the prisoners - did not know what sentence to expect. Compared to the Narodnaya Volya, the Social Democrats were punished quite easily. But the last incident in St. Petersburg was the case of M.I.Brusnev, which ended harshly: 3 years of solitary confinement and 10 years of exile in Eastern Siberia - this was the verdict on the head of the case.
We were very afraid of a long prison sentence, which many would not bear, which in any case would severely undermine my brother's health. Already by the year of sitting, Zaporozhets fell ill with a strong nervous breakdown who then turned out to be an incurable mental illness; Vaneev lost weight and coughed (died in exile, a year after his release, from tuberculosis 52); Krzhizhanovsky and the others were also more or less nervous 53.
It was announced in February 1897. As a result of his mother's troubles, Vladimir Ilyich was allowed to go to Siberia at his own expense, and not by escort. This was a significant relief, since wandering through the intermediate prisons took a lot of strength and nerves.
I remember how, on the day of my brother's release, Comrade Yakubova ran into my room with my mother and kissed him, laughing and crying at the same time.
And I remembered very clearly his expressively shining pale and thin face when he first climbed onto the imperial horse-drawn tram and nodded his head to me from there.
He could ride in a horse-drawn car along the streets of St. Petersburg, he could see his comrades, because all the liberated "Decembrists" were allowed to stay three days in St. Petersburg, with their families, until they were sent off. This unprecedented privilege was first obtained for her son by the mother of Yu. O. Tsederbaum (Martova) through some acquaintance with the director of the police department Zvolyansky;
and then, once the precedent was set, the chief of police did not find it possible to refuse others. As a result, everyone saw each other, filmed in a group (a famous photo), arranged two evening, long drawn-out meetings: the first at Stepan Ivanovich Radchenko's and the second at Tsederbaum's. They said that the police realized after a while that they had given up on letting these Social Democrats walk around St. Petersburg, that they were not such a peaceful people at all; they also said that Zvolyansky was scolded for this. Be that as it may, after this incident, such benefits were no longer given "in bulk"; if they were sometimes left before deportation, then either people are known to be sick, or by special protection. The meetings were meetings of "old" and "young". There was a debate about tactics. Especially such a purely political meeting was the first - at Radchenko's. The second - at Zederbaum - was more nervous and hustle and bustle. At the first meeting, a discussion broke out between the "Decembrists" and the later supporters of "Rabochaya Mysl" 54.
Vladimir Ilyich was allowed to spend three days in Moscow, with his family. After seeing his comrades, he decided to be arrested in Moscow and go on with them. Then the highway to Krasnoyarsk had just been completed, and the stage seemed no longer as painful as before: only two prisons - in Moscow and Krasnoyarsk. And Vladimir Ilyich did not want to enjoy the privilege in comparison with his comrades. I remember that this upset my mother very much, for whom permission for Volodya to go at his own expense was the greatest consolation. After she was proved how important it is to get a trip at her own expense, after the words of one of the old exiles were conveyed to her: "I could repeat the link, the stage - never", Vladimir Ilyich decides to refuse the privilege he had received with difficulty and voluntarily go back to jail.
But it worked out. The "Decembrists" arrested in St. Petersburg had not yet arrived in Moscow by the end of the three grace days, and meanwhile the bustling Moscow secret police put the summoned Vladimir Ilyich before an ultimatum: either to receive a passing certificate for tomorrow or to be arrested immediately. The prospect of going to jail immediately, without even saying goodbye to your family, and waiting there for an indefinite time for the arrival of "friends" - this concrete Russian reality, and even in its less combed hair than in St. Petersburg, in its Moscow form, in this imprint of the "patrimony "Prince Sergei, pounced on him, on his desire to go along with his comrades. The natural protest of a sane mind against such a fruitless waste of strength in order not to differ from his comrades, his always inherent consciousness of the need to save strength for a real struggle, and not for the manifestation of knightly feelings, prevailed, and Ilyich decided to leave the next day. The four of us - mother, sister Maria Ilyinichna, and I and my husband, Mark Timofeevich, went to see him off to Tula.
Vladimir Ilyich went into exile as a leader recognized by many. The first congress of the party in 1898 designated him as the editor of the party organ and instructed him to write the party program. And our Social Democratic movement has made the first, and therefore the most difficult, step in these years towards partisanship, towards a broad mass struggle. Almost all the leaders were arrested, the participants in the First Congress were almost completely swept away, but the foundations were laid. First, First stage the movement was passed.
The exile proceeded for Vladimir Ilyich also in comparatively favorable conditions. At the request of his mother, he was allowed, due to poor health, to serve her in the healthiest area of Siberia, in the Minusinsk district. The village of Shushenskoye, or, as it was called then briefly, Shusha, was assigned to him as a point of exile. Together with him were two or three Polish workers. Comrades in the case were sent to other villages. Yu. O. Tsederbaum (later Martov) found himself in worse conditions - apparently as a Jew. He was exiled to the northernmost point, to Turukhansk, separated by impenetrable swamps and swamps, and was cut off from his comrades for the entire duration of his exile. Others had the opportunity to meet, come to each other for celebrations, such as weddings, New Years, etc., receive permission to travel to Krasnoyarsk for treatment - for example, my brother went there for dental treatment. With Martov, however, relations were maintained only by correspondence, but Vladimir Ilyich's correspondence with him was, on the other hand, the most active.
Vladimir Ilyich's time passed in a very monotonous manner, with intense and strenuous work. During his exile, he wrote The Development of Capitalism (published in March 1899) and a number of articles, which were placed in part in the then legal Marxist journal Novoye Slovo and then collected in one booklet under the title "Economic Studies and Articles" 56.
Having accustomed himself to work regularly, he did not allow long breaks in his studies, even when they are usually considered inevitable, for example, on the road or in an indefinite, wait-and-see position. So, not only during the month that he spent in Krasnoyarsk awaiting his appointment, he went to study daily at the library of the merchant Yudin, three miles from the city, but even those three days for which he was allowed to stay with his family in Moscow , contrived to use it partially for classes in the Rumyantsev library. With this, he plunged into complete bewilderment one young student, Yakovlev, who had known our family since childhood, who dropped in to see him before leaving for a three-year exile. Recreation was for “his walks in the surrounding forests, hunting for hares and game, which they abounded in those years.
“The village is large, with several streets, rather dirty, dusty - everything is as it should be. It stands in the steppe - there are no gardens and generally no vegetation. The village is surrounded by ... manure, which is not taken out to the fields here, but is thrown right outside the village, so in order to get out of the village, you almost always have to go through a certain amount of manure. Near the village, the river Shush, now completely shallow. About 1-11 / 2 versts from the village (more precisely, from me: the village is long) Shush flows into the Yenisei, which forms a lot of islands and channels here, so there is no approach to the main channel of the Yenisei. I bathe in the largest channel, which is now also very shallow. On the other side (opposite the river Shush), 11/2 versts - "boron", as the peasants solemnly call it, but in reality it is a rather small, heavily cut forest, in which there is not even a real shadow (but a lot of strawberries!) And which has nothing in common with the Siberian taiga, which so far I have only heard of, but have not been to it (it is no less than 30-40 versts from here). Mountains ... about these mountains I expressed myself very inaccurately, because the mountains are about 50 versts from here, so you can only look at them when the clouds do not cover them ... just like you can look at Mont Blanc from Geneva. Therefore, the first (and last) verse of my poem 57 contains a certain poetic hyperbole (there is such a figure among the poets!) About the "foot" ... Therefore, to such a question: "what mountains did I climb?" hillocks, which are in the so-called "pine forest" - in general, there is enough sand "58.
The cheapness at that time in Siberia was great. So, the first year of exile, Vladimir Ilyich, for his allowance, which was due to the exiled - 8 rubles a month - had a room and full support in a peasant family.
A year later, his bride, Nadezhda Konstantinovna Krupskaya 59, came to him with her mother; Vladimir Ilyich moved into a larger apartment and began to live like a family. Nadezhda Konstantinovna was appointed the place of exile in Ufa, but at her request it was allowed to be replaced by the village of Shushenskoye, where Vladimir Ilyich was appointed. Together with Nadezhda Konstantinovna, Vladimir Ilyich translated the book of the Webb spouses on trade unionism from English for the purpose of earning money.
I had the most active correspondence with Ilyich in those years. In ordinary letters he requested books, gave instructions, wrote about his literary works, about his life, about his comrades; in chemistry, I wrote to him about the course of the revolutionary struggle and work in Russia, and he sent his articles to be sent to the St. Petersburg Union of Struggle or abroad to the Emancipation of Labor group for publication. This is how he forwarded the brochure "Tasks of the Social Democrats in Russia" 60, which appeared abroad with a preface by P. B. Axelrod, and a reply to a note by the then "economists" drawn up by Kuskova and Prokopovich and called "Credo." As a consequence, the answer is known as "Antikredo". In it, Vladimir Ilyich spoke out with great ardor against this most frank statement of those views at that time that the workers should be content with the economic struggle, leaving the political to the liberals. This exposition was made, it is true, not by a fighting detachment of Social Democrats, but by people who at that time had authority among the youth. And besides, the most vividly expressed views made it possible to emphasize more decisively what deviations in economism lead to. This protest was read out at one of the above-mentioned meetings of Social Democrats who had come from different villages, was accepted at the same time and sent away as "Answer of 17 Social Democrats" - the title by which it is known in party literature.
In contrast to the majority of exiles, Vladimir Ilyich did not rush to a more lively center, did not seek to change places. When asked by his mother to bother about his transfer to the city (in a year or a year and a half), he wrote that it was not worth it, that temporary visits to Minusinsk or Krasnoyarsk, in his opinion, were better than a permanent life there. Obviously, because life in a quiet village and in one place gave more space and convenience for study, nothing distracted them from them, as in the more crowded colonies, where, in addition, forced idleness gave rise to those squabbles that were the most painful side of exile. ... Regarding one such squabble that caused N. Ye. Fedoseev's suicide in Verkholensk, Vladimir Ilyich wrote to me: "No, do not wish me better intellectual comrades: these quarrelsome stories are the worst in exile."
But sometimes Vladimir Ilyich willingly went to see his comrades in another village, 50 or 100 miles away, or met with them in Shusha. Such trips were then allowed for celebrating the New Year, celebrating a wedding or name day. At these congresses, for three or four days, the time was spent, as Ilyich wrote, "very merrily": they went for walks, went on long hunts and swimming in the summer; skated and played chess in the winter. They talked on various topics, read individual chapters from the book of Vladimir Ilyich, or discussed various new trends in literature or politics. Thus, to condemn the aforementioned "Credo," the comrades gathered under the pretext of celebrating the birth of Lepeshinsky's daughter 61. Vladimir Ilyich also willingly traveled two or three times during his exile to Minusinsk and Krasnoyarsk under the pretext of medical treatment.
In addition to the company of exiles, in which Vladimir Ilyich frankly expounded his views, whom he willingly helped in terms of their development, pointing out literature to them, he was also interested in the life of local peasants, of whom some remember him and still sent their memories of him. But with them he was, of course, restrained in conversations. The peasantry of that time and the Russian, not to mention the more distant, Siberian, were politically completely undeveloped 62. In addition, in his position as an exiled, supervised, it would be not only inexpedient, but downright wild to carry on propaganda.
But Vladimir Ilyich willingly talked with the peasants, which gave him the opportunity to study them, to find out their worldview for himself; he also gave them advice in everything related to their local affairs, mainly legal. For these last peasants began to come to him and from the surrounding area, sometimes quite a lot of them accumulated. The peasants, as well as Nadezhda Konstantinovna, tell about this in their memoirs. And imperceptibly on the basis of these conversations, on the basis of conversations on the hunt, Vladimir Ilyich drew from this stay in the countryside, as before from his stay in the Volga villages, the knowledge of the peasantry, its psychology, which served him as much of a service as during his revolutionary work. and later, at the helm of the board 63
He knew how to untie the tongues of his interlocutors during unpretentious chatter, and they laid out themselves to him at a glance.
Thus, Vladimir Ilyich left exile not only as a revolutionary who had experience and a definite crystallized individuality, which was already an authority in the underground; not only a person who released a scientific work, but also strengthened, as a result of three years of life in the very village thickets, his knowledge of the peasantry - this main stratum of the population of Russia.
This is the end of the first part of the biography of Vladimir Ilyich, before his return from exile, until the time when, at the age of 30, he took up his revolutionary work again, but on an incomparably wider scale; for the work that united the revolutionary Russian proletariat and led it to victory.
This was in February 1900. We all, and especially the deceased mother, were looking forward to this month as a holiday: after all, the term of exile for our brother, Vladimir Ilyich, was coming to an end, and he had to return from Siberia. We did not see him for three years and, of course, looked forward to his return. The term ended, in fact, on one of the last days of January, on the day of the signing of the expulsion order, but there was still a long road ahead, first on horseback from the village of Shushenskoye through Minusinsk to Krasnoyarsk 64 - 350 versts, then on railroad... And besides, it was not quite calm in my heart whether the exile had really ended, there would not have been any clue. After all, we lived then under autocracy, and this was an administrative link, that is, a complete arbitrariness of the authorities. Some clash with the authorities, some petty revenge of the local satrap, and the term of exile could be extended 65.
And although, mainly, such a fate befell for some offenses in the place of exile, there were cases that it was dictated by considerations from the center, for example, the strengthening of the revolutionary movement, in which it was considered undesirable to return influential revolutionaries from remote corners.
Therefore, Vladimir Ilyich, although he lived modestly and explicitly, at least did not violate prohibitions, was restless about his fate and the closer the deadline approached, the more nervous he became.
“I’ll leave such and such, if they don’t increase the time limit,” he wrote to us.
This fear did not come true, Vladimir Ilyich could have left as he expected, and we knew the day and hour of his arrival by letters or telegrams (now I don’t remember) and were waiting for him.
The younger brother, Dmitry Ilyich, was then living under supervision for his first case in Podolsk, Moscow province. He boarded a Siberian train when it stopped in Podolsk and arrived with Vladimir Ilyich in Moscow.
We lived at that time on the outskirts of Moscow near Kamer-Kollezhsky Val, along Bakhmetyevskaya Street. Seeing a cab driver who had arrived, we all ran out onto the stairs to meet Vladimir Ilyich. The mother's sorrowful exclamation came first:
How did you write that you recovered? How thin you are!
I really did get better. I just recently, before leaving, passed.
Nadezhda Konstantinovna later said that the nervousness before the end of the term, the uncertainty that it would really come, ate almost the entire amendment of her brother in Siberia.
Has Julius arrived? Was there a letter? Telegram? - Volodya pelted us with questions immediately after the first greetings, barely entered, unmasking, into our dining room.
Julius Tsederbaum, known by the later pseudonym of Martov, was exiled in the same case with Vladimir Ilyich to Turukhansk and ended his term at the same time. As a Jew, he was assigned the most remote and nasty corner of the Yenisei province.
Our answer that we had no news from Julius and knew nothing about him excited Vladimir Ilyich.
How is it? After all, we agreed with him. What does it mean? - he said, running around the room. - We must send him a telegram. Mitya, I will ask you to carry it.
And he immediately set about drawing up a telegram and sending his brother, to some disappointment of both this latter and all of us, who naturally wished to have Vladimir Ilyich entirely for themselves in those first minutes of their arrival.
This surprised me, moreover, because I knew from the period before exile that Volodya was much less close with Martov, who later joined the circle, than with its other members - with Krzhizhanovsky, Starkov; knew that with these last he lived in exile in the neighborhood (about fifty versts) and met quite often. Under these conditions, the intimacy usually only increases. Meanwhile, Vladimir Ilyich spoke little about them, in general, calm tones; he waited for the news of Martov with the most ardent impatience.
Subsequent conversations clarified this to me. He considered Zederbaum his closest comrade for further work, mainly for an all-Russian newspaper. He admired Julia's revolutionary temperament and was very worried until he received the news that he had safely left Turukhansk. He hummed to us a song composed by Zederbaum in exile:
It is not a hungry beast howling, A blizzard broke out wildly. In the groan of the wind, the ear discerns Laughter of the triumphant enemy. Bravely, brothers, bravely, and above the share of evil Let's laugh with a daring song. There, in Russia, people are very ardent. There, to match their heroic outfit, But from many years of distant exile The gilding will be quickly scraped off. And these impulses will reduce everything to zero Alcohol flavored with makhorka.
Ilyich sang, and his sister also picked up Polish revolutionary songs on the piano, which he had learned from the exiled Polish workers, partly in Polish, partly in a Russian translation of them by Krzhizhanovsky.
These were: "Rage, tyrants", "Hostile whirlwinds", "Red shtandar". I clearly remember Volodya, how he paced from corner to corner in our small dining room and sang with enthusiasm:
And the color of the standard is chervona, Bo on him workers krev.
He admired the revolutionary songs of the Polish workers and pointed out the need to create one for Russia.
In those years, people returning from exile were excluded from residence in about 60 settlements in Russia: in addition to capitals and university cities, there were those industrial centers that were seized by the labor movement, and by 1900, more or less all of them were like that. It remained to choose among very few cities. Vladimir Ilyich chose Pskov in Siberia as being closer to Petersburg, and agreed on this residence with Tsederbaum and Potresov (exiled to the Vyatka province). With both of them he planned to publish an all-Russian newspaper. Tsederbaum drove to Pskov from Petersburg, where he saw his relatives, and Potresov stopped by to visit us in Moscow, but after the departure of Vladimir Ilyich.
I don't remember how many days my brother stayed with us. During this time, his old Samara acquaintance, I. Kh. Lalayants, who was at that time a member of the Social Democratic Party committee and the editorial board of the newspaper Yuzhny Rabochy, came to see him from Yekaterinoslav. He stayed with us for three days. He and his brother had business conversations.
Later, Vladimir Ilyich told me that they concerned mainly the convocation of the Second Party Congress, which was then supposed to be in Russia. The rampant arrests in the south in April 1900 - including Lalayants - finally convinced Vladimir Ilyich that it was impossible to convene a congress in Russia. He told me about this in June, before leaving abroad, when he developed a detailed plan for an all-Russian newspaper, the organization of which would extend tentacles to all parts of Russia, uniting around the basic principles all the committees and circles scattered across our vast country.
“If only the preparations for the congress cause such failures,” he said, “they almost completely destroy the organization, lead to the arrest of the most valuable workers, then in autocratic Russia congresses are an impermissible luxury. We need other ways to unite the party. And so, in this way, an all-Russian newspaper published abroad can appear, around which, as around the scaffolding placed on a building under construction, a party will be built. "
From this idea arose "Iskra" with its epigraph: "A flame will kindle from a spark," and it really fulfilled the task of uniting the party and kindled the fire of the revolution.
IX. THIRD ARREST OF Ilyich. TRIP TO UFU AND DEPARTURE ABROAD
We did not have time to rejoice at the return of Ilyich from Siberia, he quickly rushed off, having spent several days with us, in Moscow, in Pskov, - as in May again the alarming news: he was arrested in Petersburg. I remember how much she struck us, especially, of course, the mother, who was downright desperate, despite the repeatedly shown firmness of character. But his mother was already exhausted by the arrests: during the exile of Vladimir Ilyich, his younger brother, Dmitry, a fifth-year student, was arrested and spent nine months in a tedious case that did not come out of his creators. There were no facts, nothing criminal came out of a simple self-education circle, and his occupations with workers at the Gujon plant were not disclosed. The brother did not tolerate the Moscow sitting conditions, and in the end the mother became completely ill. And shortly before the return of Vladimir Ilyich from exile, his sister, Maria Ilyinichna, was arrested, already outside of any innocent "community", her studies at the University of Brussels were interrupted, and she was exiled to Nizhny. And the mother went to Tula to Dmitry, then to Nizhny to Mana.
We only managed to secure the return of the latter home and the placement of Mitya in Podolsk of the Moscow province, where we were going for the summer months, as a new misfortune that threatened to be much worse: Volodya, who had already shown himself to be a serious revolutionary, for his kinship with whom they took smaller ones, was arrested again in Petersburg, where he had no right to appear, he was arrested with a foreign passport.
It means that he cannot get abroad! Well, of course, even if Mani's passport was taken away from him and he was not allowed to continue teaching, then, of course, he would not be allowed.
And we so longed for him to go abroad, we saw that in Russia, with his revolutionary temperament, he was not comfortable. And is that just? .. Again, some big deal ... We were completely unaware of why, under what circumstances he was arrested, and could not, of course, take seriously the reassuring lines of his letter through the gendarmes. I remember that he himself notified us with such a letter. We knew from bitter experience what these two weeks, a month, with which they usually calm their relatives for the first time after the arrest, were growing. But this time it turned out unexpectedly quite the opposite. Volodya was released two or three weeks later and came to us in Podolsk, and even with a foreign passport in his pocket71 It turned out that no evidence was found: Vladimir Ilyich and Tsederbaum, arrested together, were found guilty only of an unauthorized trip to Petersburg.
My brother told us how it turned out. Together they went with a basket of literature to St. Petersburg and would have arrived, perhaps safely, if they had not conspired. Namely: in order to cover up their tracks, they decided to change on the way to another railway line, but they lost sight of the fact that they had switched to the road going through Tsarskoe Selo, where the king lived, and the surveillance was therefore much stricter. The secret police mocked them for this conspiracy. Yet they were not immediately arrested. The basket was sold upon arrival, and they managed to visit someone without bringing their tails. They settled down for the night somewhere in Kazachy Lane with Ekaterina Vasilievna Malchenko, the mother of their comrade 70, an engineer exiled to Arkhangelsk on a common cause. But they had just left in the morning when they were seized in the street by spies. Vladimir Ilyich said: they grabbed them right by both elbows, so there was no way to throw anything out of his pocket. And in the cab, two of them held both elbows all the way. Zederbaum was also captured and taken away in another cab.
Vladimir Ilyich was mainly worried about a chemical letter to Plekhanov, written on a mailing list with some kind of invoice. This letter announced the plan of an all-Russian newspaper, and it would have betrayed it headlong. And for three weeks he did not know if the letter had been manifested. What worried him most was that chemical inks sometimes come out on their own over time. But it turned out well on this side: they did not pay attention to the sheet, and it was returned to my brother in the same form. Vladimir Ilyich came to us in Podolsk radiant. Foreign countries for both of them, and consequently, the plan of the all-Russian newspaper, did not disappear.
We then moved from early spring to Podolsk, where instead of giving a summer residence we rented an apartment in the house of Kedrova, at the end of the city, on the banks of the Pakhra River. Volodya stayed with us for a week, if not more, taking part in our walks on foot and by boat through the picturesque environs of Podolsk, playing croquet with enthusiasm in the courtyard. Lepeshinsky came to him there, Shesternin came with his wife Sofya Pavlovna. The latter spent the night with us, and I remember how Volodya hotly attacked the position of the foreign group "Rabocheye Delo" they were defending. Someone else also came. Vladimir Ilyich negotiated with everyone about the code, convinced them of the need for correct correspondence in the planned all-Russian newspaper, about which he spoke only with those closest to him.
Before leaving abroad, Volodya still had a desire - to go to Ufa, to see his wife, Nadezhda Konstantinovna, who was supposed to serve the term of public supervision before March 1901.
Mother went to Petersburg to solicit this privilege. To our surprise, and it succeeded. The mother told the police department that she would go with her son. And so, the three of us left by rail, to Nizhny, in order to continue on the boat.
I remember this journey well. It was June, the river was flooded, and it was marvelously good to go by steamer along the Volga, then along the Kama and, finally, along the Belaya. We spent all our days on deck. Volodya was in the most cheerful mood, enjoying the wonderful air from the river and the surrounding forests. I remember our long night conversations with him on the deserted upper deck of a small steamer moving along the Kama and Belaya. Mother went down, exhausted, into the cabin. Rare passengers disappeared even earlier. The deck remained only for the two of us, and it was very convenient to conduct conspiratorial conversations among the calm river and sleepy banks. Vladimir Ilyich developed for me in detail, with enthusiasm his plan for an all-Russian newspaper, which was to play the role of scaffolding for building the party. He pointed out how constant failures make congresses in Russia completely impossible. Just in April of that year, huge failures in the entire South uprooted several organizations, among other things, the editorial office of Yuzhny Rabochy in Yekaterinoslavl. There was also arrested a friend of Vladimir Ilyich in Samara, I. Kh. Lalayants, who had come to him just for negotiations on the preparations for the Second Party Congress back in February, when his brother stopped for several days with us in Moscow on his way to Pskov.
“If the preparations for the congress alone entail such collapses, such sacrifices, then it is insane to organize it in Russia; only a body that goes abroad will be able to fight for a long time against such trends as "Economism", will be able to rally the party around the correctly understood ideas of Social Democracy. Otherwise, even if the congress had convened, everything would have disintegrated again after it, as after the first congress ”.
I cannot, of course, restore our conversations after so many years, but the general content is deeply embedded in my memory. We talked a lot about the position of the Emancipation of Labor group and Rabocheye Delo and the conflict between them. Vladimir Ilyich was an ardent knight of the first and G.V. Plekhanov, defending the latter from all attacks in an unfriendly, arrogant attitude, and the whole group in inertia. I pointed out to him, like Shesternin and other practical workers, that we must not break off ties with Rabochy Delo, because it alone provides us with popular literature, prints our correspondence, and fulfills orders. For example, the Moscow Committee sent him a May Day 1900 leaflet for printing, while the Emancipation of Labor group has neither wool nor milk, and even letters cannot be answered. Vladimir Ilyich said that, of course, they are old people, sick, in order to carry out practical work, the young should help them in this, but not isolating themselves into a special group, but fully recognizing their completely correct and consistent theoretical leadership. This is precisely how Vladimir Ilyich thought of his work abroad with his comrades.
That same last autumn76 I asked about Volodya. In the winter of 1885/86, I walked a lot and talked to Volodya. This happened also in the last summer, towards the end, when I began to gradually recover from my illness 77 and became able to listen to funny jokes, jokes, to have fun with them, to take part in them.
Our conversations were of just such a character. Volodya was then going through a transitional age, when the boys became especially harsh and picky. In him, always very lively and self-confident, this was especially noticeable, especially then, after the death of his father, whose presence always acts restraining on the boys. I remember that this harshness of Volodya's judgments and manifestations confused me at times. I also noticed that Sasha did not support our chatter, but a couple of times, it seemed to me, looked at us disapprovingly. Always very reckoning with his opinion, I felt especially painfully all his disapproval that summer. And in the fall, I asked a question about Volodya. I even remember the form of the question: "How do you like our Volodya?" And he replied: “Undoubtedly, he is a very capable person, but we don’t get along with him” (or even: “we don’t get along at all” - I don’t remember exactly this shade, but I remember what was said decisively and definitely).
Why? - I asked, of course.
But Sasha did not want to explain. “So,” he said only, leaving me to guess for myself. I explained this to myself by the fact that Sasha did not like those traits of Volodya's character, which cut, but, obviously, weaker, and me: his great mockery, insolence, arrogance, mainly when they manifested themselves in relation to his mother, whom he also sometimes he began to answer as sharply as he did not allow himself in front of his father. I remember Sasha's disapproving looks at such answers. So deeply and strongly worried about the death of his father, so rooting for his mother ... he himself was always so restrained and attentive, Sasha had to react very much to any harshness towards his mother. This explanation was also confirmed by the story of the mother the next summer, after the death of Sasha. Namely, she told me that once, when Volodya and Sasha were sitting at chess, she reminded Volodya of some demand that he did not fulfill. Volodya answered carelessly and was in no hurry to comply. Mother, obviously irritated, insisted ... Volodya again answered with some kind of careless joke, without moving from his place.
Volodya, either you will go right now and do what your mother tells you, or I don’t play with you anymore, ”Sasha said then calmly, but so firmly that Volodya immediately got up and did what was required. I remember with what moved her mother told me about this manifestation of Sasha.
Comparison of this story with my personal impressions, as well as with how Volodya manifested himself then and what he was interested in, formed in me a strong conviction that it was precisely these traits of his character that Sasha had in mind when he expressed his opinion about him. From the memories of Sasha, both mine and some of his comrades, it is clear that any ridicule, teasing was completely alien to his nature. Not only he himself never laughed, but even reacted somehow painfully when he heard such ridicule from others ... And Sasha, this summer after the loss of his father, when, obviously, the determination to become a revolutionary was ripening in him ... he was in a special mood, even for him, far from any easy, offhand, attitude.
This explains Sasha's decisive statement, which struck me, although the difference in the natures of both brothers stood out from childhood, and they never were close to each other, despite the boundless respect and imitation of Sasha from Volodya from an early age. Sasha enjoyed much more sympathy from the smaller Olya, in whose character there were many similarities with him.
I know that such a judgment by an older brother - a participant in a terrorist act - about a younger one - a Social Democrat - will cause many people to be tempted to give the easiest explanation: the brothers did not agree on political convictions. But such, as if the most natural, explanation would be the most incorrect. Volodya was only 16 years old in the last summer he spent with his older brother. At that time, young people, especially in the remote, alien social life of the province, were not politically determined so early. This winter, when I walked a lot and talked with Volodya, he was very opposed to the gymnasium bosses, to the gymnasium studies, to religion; in a word, he was, so to speak, in the period of dumping-vania of authorities, in the period of the first, negative, or something, the formation of personality. But outside of such a negative attitude towards the environment - for him mainly towards the gymnasium - there was nothing definitely political in our conversations, and I am convinced that with our then relations Volodya would not hide such interests from me, would ask me about Petersburg life with this sides. Throughout his life, he always gave himself very wholeheartedly to his prevailing aspirations - it was not in his nature to hide anything in himself. In the summer, I remember, we both celebrated with Sasha, being surprised by this that Volodya could reread Turgenev several times - he used to lie on his bed and read and reread again - and this in the months when he lived in the same room with Sasha, who diligently sat behind Marx and other political and economic literature, which was closely packed bookshelf over his desk.
The following autumn, after Sasha's departure, according to the recollections of one of Volodya's comrades 78, the two of them began to translate Marx's Capital from German. This work ceased on the very first pages, which was to be expected: where, then, were the green school students to carry out such an undertaking? The desire to imitate my brother, the search for ways, of course, was, but no more. Volodya began reading Marx already in 1888/89, in Kazan, in Russian.
So, certain political views Volodya did not have it at that time.
On the other hand, Sasha, as can be seen from a number of memoirs - my and other comrades - did not belong to any party in the summer of 1886. Undoubtedly, he had already mapped out the path of a revolutionary for himself, but that summer he was just getting to know Marx's Capital, studied Russian reality.79 At the trial, he said that he considered the most correct struggle through propaganda and agitation; during the investigation - that the general part of the program, which he typed in Pilsudski's apartment, represented a project to unite the Narodnaya Volya Party with the Social Democratic Party. And in the program of the terrorist faction of the “Narodnaya Volya” party, which he reconstructed from memory, he noted that their faction is not hostile to the Social Democrats, but as to the closest comrades.
Consequently, he had no reason to "disagree" with a person leaning towards social democracy.
And then Sasha was a reserved, self-possessed person. If he protested against the attraction of young, undecided people in a hurry to prepare a terrorist act and was against the moral and mental pressure on them; if for the same reason he kept me in the dark and rejected settling in the same apartment with me, then all the more he would not have talked about this topic with his younger brother, a high school student, especially in the year of the loss of his father, when he felt responsible for the younger ones to his mother especially acute. And as I have already pointed out, he was opposed to any pressure on the individual, leaving everyone to work out on their own. Yes, and Volodya, who talked a lot with me about parties and his convictions in subsequent years, would have told me, no doubt, if there had been any conversations with Sasha on this topic.
It is also interesting to compare with this the story of I. Kh. Lalayants about how, to his question about the case of Alexander Ilyich, Vladimir Ilyich said: “For all of us, his participation in the terrorist act was completely unexpected. Maybe my sister (meant me) knew something - I didn't know anything! "
Thus, the assumption that Sasha's judgment about his brother was caused by political disagreements should completely disappear. At the root of it could lie one dissimilarity of characters, especially manifested, for the reasons indicated, in the last summer - a dissimilarity realized and formulated by Sasha alone - I have never heard a single hint of such from Volodya. Obviously, with his great self-control, Sasha did not say anything to his younger brother. After Sasha's death, I, of course, did not tell Volodya about this opinion of his: I understood that I would only inflict unnecessary pain on him, unable even to give an exact explanation of what dissimilarity Sasha had in mind. The loss of him - so beloved and respected by all of us - was already felt too acutely for me to cause unnecessary grief with the opinion of Sasha, which Volodya could not change anyway. In my opinion, we all held on after our misfortune by sparing each other. And then during the first years I couldn't talk about Sasha at all, except with my mother. And finally, I believed that Sasha's opinion was based precisely on that somewhat extreme boyish harshness, which noticeably decreased after our misfortune, and over the years, I saw, smoothed out more and more.
But, of course, the elder brother died too early to be able to tell how the relationship between the two would have developed later. They were undoubtedly very bright, each in its own way, but completely different personalities. Both of them burned with a strong revolutionary flame. The death of the elder, beloved brother, undoubtedly, kindled him brighter in the soul of the younger. And the elder walked along the road to revolutionary Marxism, which he still tried to reconcile with Narodnaya Volya, like the majority of revolutionaries of that time, but to which he would finally come. In addition to further theoretical work, a life developing in this direction would lead him to him. Both his program and the reviews of his comrades speak for this.
Ulyanov-Elizarova A. I. About V. I. Lenin and the Ulyanov family: Memoirs, essays, letters, articles. M., 1988.S. 78-82
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